‘Looting and overtures and acts of indecency by Black and Tans’: the pursuit of justice for acts of sexual violence during Ireland’s War of Independence (1919-21)

2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-105
Author(s):  
GERRI O’NEILL
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Formal Complaint ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Town ◽  
Violent Assault

In April 1921, while Waterford was under martial law, Brigid Fahy, a native of Dungarvan, and her maid Bridget O’Neill, became victims of a violent assault in their home during curfew hours. The alleged perpetrators were two ‘Black and Tans’ attached to the RIC barracks in the town. They subsequently returned to the residence and burned it as a reprisal for the formal complaint made by Fahy about their behaviour. This article explores how the police, the military and the state responded to Fahy’s public pursuit of justice. Drawing on the correspondence between Dublin Castle and senior military officers, as well as Fahy’s sworn statement, it highlights the tensions that existed between the civil and military authorities in Ireland during this period. Central to the narrative is chief secretary Sir Hamar Greenwood, who—despite his elevated position within the Irish administration—could not persuade General Strickland’s 6th Division to communicate any information on the case, leaving Greenwood in an almost untenable position when confronted with questions on the matter in the House of Commons. Fahy’s case not only highlights the breakdown in communications that existed between Dublin Castle and the military, but demonstrates the breakdown of trust between the citizens of Dungarvan and the RIC. It argues that crimes of this nature may have been under-reported, as women had no incentive to report the crimes of the RIC and every reason to refrain from doing so.

scholarly journals Wywiad wojskowy czy polityczny? Zainteresowanie Zarządu II Sztabu Generalnego Wojska Polskiego „kierunkiem watykańskim”

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-119
Author(s):  
Bartosz Kapuściak
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
The State ◽  
Primary Task ◽  
Military Intelligence ◽  
General Staff ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Catholic Church

The primary task of the military intelligence in the People’s Republic of Poland was to acquire materials on the armament and stationing of NATO troops. However, due to the demand of the communist authorities, it also conducted political activities aimed at, among others, the Catholic Church. The interest of the state authorities increased especially during the pontificate of John Paul II. According to the assessment of military intelligence, the election of Karol Wojtyła as Bishop of Rome stimulated the Catholic Church both in Poland and in the Vatican. In this way, the activities of the Second Directorate of the General Staff of the Polish Army were within the scope of civil intelligence interests. The article aims to show the role played by intelligence officers and informers operating in Rome undercover as military attachés or in civilian institutions. Their actions resulted in the establishment of contacts with the church environment and acquisition of voluntary and involuntary informants. In this way, the Second Directorate of the General Staff of the Polish Army provided the party and political apparatus with interesting news and materials. Following the introduction of martial law in Poland, the church from the Rome area started sending parcels of food, clothes and medicines to Poland. This aid for the country was used to establish contact with the Polish clergy thanks to the initiative of Colonel Franciszek Mazurek.

The Taiwanese Fishing Industry. The Military and Political Complex

2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-184
Author(s):  
Chen Ta-Yuan
Keyword(s):  
Young Men ◽  
Fishing Industry ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
National Parliaments ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
High Ranking ◽  
Strict Control ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

AbstractTaiwan was subjected to the longest period of martial law in history, from 1948 to 1987, and for this period of time the fishing industry of Taiwan was closely controlled and monitored by the government and the military. From 1951 to 1982, the fisheries authorities of Taiwan were controlled to a large extent by high-ranking military officers. Besides this, the military also used a variety of methods to track the movement of fishermen in distant waters. Under such strict control and surveillance of the government, only a few politicians were willing to speak on behalf of the interests of Taiwan's fishing industry. The situation did not improve until two young men from the local fishing industry were elected into the national parliaments in 1972.

scholarly journals Os Militares e a Guerra Fria no Brasil

Diálogos ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 176
Author(s):  
Paulo Ribeiro Rodrigues da Cunha
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Present Article ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military

O presente artigo procura resgatar um dos períodos mais intensos e menos estudados da Guerra Fria no Brasil, quando duas correntes militares antípodas política e ideológicas atuaram na perspectiva de influenciar através de suas entidades de classe um projeto de nação. Entretanto, essa reflexão tem por foco, os militares nacionalistas e de esquerda, oficiais e praças das forças armadas cuja intervenção foi bem sucedida ao final, com a vitória da Tese do Monopólio Estatal do Petróleo e não intervenção brasileira no conflito coreano, embora ao custo de uma repressão sobre centenas de militares, muitos deles presos e torturados e até hoje não anistiados, demonstrando em última instância, a fragilidade da democracia e do Estado Democrático e de Direito no Brasil. Abstract The Military and the Cold War in Brazil The present article seeks to recover one of the most intense and least studied period of the Cold War in Brazil, when two military antipodal political and ideological currents acted in the perspective of influencing through its class entities a nation project. However, this reflection is focused on the nationalist and leftist military, officers and squares of the armed forces whose intervention was successful in the end, with the victory of the Thesis of the State Petroleum Monopoly and not Brazilian intervention in the Korean conflict, although at cost of a crackdown on hundreds of soldiers, many of them imprisoned and tortured and still unamused, demonstrating in the last instance the fragility of democracy and the Democratic State and Law in Brazil. Resumen Los Militares y la Guerra Fría en Brasil El presente artículo busca rescatar uno del período más intensos y menos estudiados de la Guerra Fría en Brasil, cuando dos corrientes militares antípodas políticas e ideológicas actuaron en la perspectiva de influenciar a través de sus entidades de clase un proyecto de nación. Sin embargo, esta reflexión tiene por foco, los militares nacionalistas y de izquierda, oficiales y plazas de las fuerzas armadas cuya intervención fue exitosa al final, con la victoria de la Tesis del Monopolio Estatal del Petróleo y no intervención brasileña en el conflicto coreano, aunque al costo de una represión sobre cientos de militares, muchos de ellos presos y torturados y hasta hoy no aniquilados, demostrando en última instancia, la fragilidad de la democracia y del Estado Democrático y de Derecho en Brasil.

scholarly journals Unbecoming Veteranship

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-131
Author(s):  
Eva van Roekel ◽  
Valentina Salvi
Keyword(s):  
Transitional Justice ◽  
The State ◽  
Crimes Against Humanity ◽  
Legal Rights ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Military Institution ◽  
The Military ◽  
Moral Discourses

In post-authoritarian Argentina, veterans who participated in the brutal counterinsurgency of the last dictatorship (1976–1983) inhabit an extremely inconsistent citizenship, alternatively violating and respecting legal rights and entitlements. This article looks at how alternating transitional justice practices and the ever-changing moral discourses about warfare and accountability create highly unstable access to rights, resources, and entitlements for these veterans in Argentina. Th e recent shift toward retribution for crimes against humanity in Argentina has legally consolidated their moral downfall. From being untouchable and exemplary officers until the early 1980s, the now convicted military officers have been demoted twice by the state and the military institution. Based on long-term fieldwork with the convicted officers and their kin, this article traces the contingent relation between the moral and legal practices that underlie this double downfall that constitutes a fluctuating process of un/becoming veteranship for these veterans. Their veteranship, for that matter, depends on highly conflictive and transformative sociopolitical processes that speak to broader moral dispositions surrounding legal rights, entitlements, and worthiness for veterans.

scholarly journals Impeachment of Oklahoma Governors

1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 648-652
Author(s):  
Cortez A. M. Ewing
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Armed Force ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Military Forces ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City ◽  
Tulsa County

In Oklahoma, impeachment is of the soil racy. In the twenty-three years of statehood, thirteen impeachment messages have been received in the Senate from the House. Governor Williams (1914-18) has been the only one of six elected governors against whom House investigations were not ordered, and he may have been spared by the unusual House rule which declared any members guilty of perjury who swore to charges that were not substantiated in an investigation.Backed by the farmer-labor group, John C. Walton was elected governor in 1922 in a campaign marked by bitterness and party bolting. Before he was inaugurated, rumor had it that he would be impeached. Opposition to him sprang from three main sources—disappointed office-seekers, the klan, and the school bloc. However, it was the klan that finally dragged him down. To prevent klan outrages and to punish their perpetrators, Walton attempted to employ the military forces of the state. Martial law was declared in the city of Tulsa on August 13, 1923. It was soon extended to the whole of Tulsa county, to Okmulgee county, and finally on September 1 to the whole state. Adding to the confusion, the legislature tried to convene itself in extraordinary session, under the excuse that the governor's action had made such a step necessary and essential to the welfare of the state. Walton countered by branding the legislators as klansmen and a meeting of the legislature as an unlawful klan assembly. An attempted convening was frustrated by armed force on September 16.

scholarly journals Martial Law as a Legal Phenomenon of the Great Patriotic War

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (3) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Sergei Gennadievich ◽  
Aleksey Deryugin
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Objective Assessment ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Regime ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Legal Provisions ◽  
Great Patriotic War ◽  
The Military

The article attempts to give an objective assessment of the state wartime policy aimed at regulating public relations during the Great Patriotic War, to qualify the activities of the military authorities, the USSR NKVD troops and bodies as subjects of legal relations developed in the sphere of functioning of the legal regime of that time. The relevance of the research of the mentioned problems is conditioned by the urgent need to strengthen the confrontation with the ongoing attempts to rewrite the history and neutralize the significance of the USSR’s victory over Nazi Germany. From the standpoint of the principle of historicism, the article reveals the legal structure of the martial law regime as a wartime integral legal phenomenon. The specific historical reasons for the establishment of an emergency legal regime in the frontline zone, its content as a kind of martial law regime, the specificity of the troops and bodies activities of the USSR NKVD to ensure the legal regime of the frontline zone are also shown. Based on archival and other historical sources, the article substantiates the conclusion that the scope of powers of the military authorities, troops and law enforcement agencies directly depended on the severity degree of the legal regime, which, in its turn, determined the restriction degree of the rights and freedoms of the population living in the areas of the emergency legal provisions action. Recommendations for the application of emergency legal mechanisms aimed at ensuring state and public security, taking into account the interests of the state and society, are formulated in the conclusion.

Military, Civilian, or Both: David Ben-Gurion’s Perception of National Security After the War of Independence

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-142
Author(s):  
Yoram Fried
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The State ◽  
Perceived Threat ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
The Military ◽  
State Of Israel ◽  
Multidimensional Concept

Over the years, attempts to define the notion of national security in terms of what it means and what it represents have ranged from a classical, purely military definition, to a broader multidimensional concept encompassing a range of different features. Studies on Israel’s national security concept have tended to emphasize the formative role played by David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first prime minister and defense minister. These works have focused on the military aspects of the national security concept, based on arguments concerning the perceived threat of wartime engagements with Arab armies. This article argues that Ben-Gurion’s national security concept was essentially a civilian perspective with military features that responded to the four types of threats, local, regional, international, and Jewish, facing the State of Israel at the time, most of which were not military.

scholarly journals How Socio-Political Indicators of Poor Governance Pave the Way for Coup d' Etate in Pakistan? An Analysis of Nawaz Shareef's Second Tenure in Government

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-129
Author(s):  
Ayaz Ali Shah ◽  
Nelofar Ehsan ◽  
Hina Malik
Keyword(s):  
Data Collection ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
Economic Indicators ◽  
Governance System ◽  
Research Papers ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

This paper is about the relationship between the socio-economic indicators of poor governance and how it helps the military to take over the affairs of the state with ease. The 1990s era witnessed serious lapses in the governance system of Pakistan, and so, the military made frequent entries in politics. What this paper finds is that if the system of governance does not improve during the civilian government, it provides an opportunity for the armed forces to impose martial law and takes over the country. Though Nawaz Shareef had formed a government with a two-thirds majority, he hardly made any improvement on the governance front, and this was the major reason for his dismissal from the office of prime ministership. The methodology employed is secondary sources of data collection, including books, research papers and newspaper articles.

The Lloyd George Government and the Strickland Report on the Burning of Cork, 1920

1972 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-66
Author(s):  
Martin Frederick Seedorf
Keyword(s):  
Home Rule ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Irish Republican Army ◽  
The Troubles ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Western Imperialism ◽  
Police Action ◽  
Irish People ◽  
Eventual Collapse ◽  
The Military

The burning of the city of Cork on the night of 11-12 December 1920 —a “truly staggering reprisal” — was one of many outrageous acts by British forces in Ireland in the late autumn of 1920 and indeed during the entire Anglo-Irish War. Known in Ireland at the time as “the troubles” and in Éire today as “the war of independence,” or “the war of liberation,” the Anglo-Irish War lasted two-and-one-half years from January, 1919, until the truce in July, 1921. Not only did that struggle mark the end of 750 years of Irish subjection under Britain; it served as a warning of the eventual collapse of British and Western imperialism throughout the world.Throughout the first eight months of 1919 the British government's policy was simply military suppression of the Republican Movement. Repeatedly, it misjudged Sinn Féin and the rising Irish Republican Army (I.R.A.) as nothing but a “murder gang” terrorizing the mass of the Irish people. Not until the Fall of 1919 did Lloyd George finally conceive a policy — one combining force with appeasement. The latter was offered to Ireland in the Fourth Home Rule Bill though it was to be rejected by a majority of the Irish press and people. From the fall of 1919 until the summer of 1920, Lloyd George stepped up coercion, not only by strengthening the military, but by introducing “Black and Tans” into the Irish police force and establishing a new administration at Dublin Castle in the spring of 1920.When, in late July, 1920, it became evident to the British cabinet that police action was losing to the I.R.A.'s guerilla tactics, they broadened the struggle even further by choosing, not appeasement along Dominion lines, but a policy of war. Though never officially declared, war was first implemented under the guise of restoring order in Ireland and later by martial law. Accompanying Lloyd George's war policy between the summers of 1920 and 1921 were systematic reprisals against Irish civilians and their property by British forces retaliating for the I.R.A.'s killing of their own men. These reprisals, which became official and regulated under martial law in 1921, were unauthorized — although not officially condemned — in 1919 and 1920. Unauthorized reprisals reached a peak in the fall of 1920 at Balbriggan, Groke Park, and in the burning of Cork.

scholarly journals PSYCHOLOGICAL SPECIFIC FEATURES OF FORMATION OF FUTURE RESERVE OFFICERS’ READINESS FOR SERVICE-AND-COMBAT ACTIVITIES

2020 ◽  
pp. 105-109
Author(s):  
Sofia DEMIANYSHYNA ◽  
◽  
Yuliia MEDVID ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
National Guard ◽  
The State ◽  
Psychological Characteristics ◽  
Legal Regime ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Survey Results ◽  
Psychological Features ◽  
The Military ◽  
Training Of Personnel

Service and combat activities of servicemen of the National Guard of Ukraine have psychological features, respectively, and in the process of training reserve officers they must be taken into account. Changes in service and combat activities in the training of personnel for service and combat activities have an impact on the psychological features of this activity and on the psychological features of the formation of readiness of future reserve officers for it. Method. Survey. Results. According to the results of the study, the psychological features of the formation of the readiness of future reserve officers for service and combat activities are determined. It is proposed to adjust the training process taking into account the identified psychological features of the formation of this readiness. Originality. The necessity has been determined: to carry out training of applicants according to the program of training of reserve officers in the military accounting specialty - military psychologist; scientific and pedagogi- cal staff of the department of reserve officers training to review the content of the program in such a way as to reveal the features and importance of all functions of the National Guard of Ukraine, including participation in measures to end armed conflict and other provocations at the state border prevention of mass crossing of the state border from the territory of neighboring states, participation in the implementation of measures of the legal regime of martial law and participation in the implementation of territorial defense tasks; application of exercises and games for the development of the necessary qualities and prevention of the development of negative qualities, which can be used both during the training program for reserve officers and in out-of-class activities. Resume. Further research will be aimed at determining the pedagogical conditions for the formation of the readiness of future reserve officers for service and combat activities, taking into account the psychological characteristics and conducting a pedagogical experiment.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document