scholarly journals Unbecoming Veteranship

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-131
Author(s):  
Eva van Roekel ◽  
Valentina Salvi

In post-authoritarian Argentina, veterans who participated in the brutal counterinsurgency of the last dictatorship (1976–1983) inhabit an extremely inconsistent citizenship, alternatively violating and respecting legal rights and entitlements. This article looks at how alternating transitional justice practices and the ever-changing moral discourses about warfare and accountability create highly unstable access to rights, resources, and entitlements for these veterans in Argentina. Th e recent shift toward retribution for crimes against humanity in Argentina has legally consolidated their moral downfall. From being untouchable and exemplary officers until the early 1980s, the now convicted military officers have been demoted twice by the state and the military institution. Based on long-term fieldwork with the convicted officers and their kin, this article traces the contingent relation between the moral and legal practices that underlie this double downfall that constitutes a fluctuating process of un/becoming veteranship for these veterans. Their veteranship, for that matter, depends on highly conflictive and transformative sociopolitical processes that speak to broader moral dispositions surrounding legal rights, entitlements, and worthiness for veterans.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-79
Author(s):  
Insan Praditya

This paper is a comparison of democracy structure between two Southeast Asian Nations, Indonesia and Myanmar during their early periods of Post-Praetorianism era where the state was controlled and dominated by the military. This paper found that In Indonesia, democratization after reformasi era in 1998 had successfully changed the structure of power, where the military determination in politics had been decline significantly, despite the military still hold the power to influence political and economic affairs. In Myanmar, the democratization was a result of long term transition previously planned by the military regime, so even in 2010 democratic election, the military still hold the control over the politics and tend to preserve their power within the new face of democratic system.     


2001 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 213-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Kelly

Much has been written about transitional justice in the circumstances of organised states progressing towards democracy. Another category of transitional justice demanding equal study and resolution has, however, emerged. That is the interim administration of justice in the vacuum of the disrupted state following traumatic internal conflict, usually involving war crimes and crimes against humanity. Two things are characteristic of this circumstance: first, the requirement for a deployed international military force to do ‘something’ about fundamental law and order while waiting for the civil administrative ‘cavalry’ to arrive; second, the fact that a civil administrative element will eventually have to take over from the military and will also be required to do ‘something’ about the immediate law and order problem but in a manner that leads into the long term reconstruction and ‘end state’ process. In the future, this environment may also include the operation of the International Criminal Court (ICC), where many issues of jurisdiction, investigation, prosecution and the impact on long term rehabilitation will need to be managed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 197-220
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Marta Głąb

The article aims to analyse the mechanisms of Indonesian mass killings between 1965 and 1966 in light of the latest reports. The author refers to the most recent academic research, as well as the verdict announced in 2016 by the International People’s Tribunal in the Hague on the 1965 Crimes against Humanity in Indonesia (IPT 1965).Available sources confirm the thesis advanced by the researchers of the Indonesian political upheaval since the early 1980s that mass violence in the archipelago should be understood as a crime against humanity carried out by the military in an organised manner, with a declared intent to annihilate the main political rival, the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI).The author focuses on the issues of the organisation and morphology of violence, its ethnic dimension, as well as the problem of the international and internal negation of genocide in Indonesia, and the related issues of transitional justice.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 511-518
Author(s):  
Natalya Mikhaylovna Kudro ◽  
Alexander Sergeyevich Martikyan ◽  
Sergey Mikhaylovich Saliy

Purpose: The purpose of this article is to study possible options for implementation of the modern model of military professionalism in technical modernization of the border security service, in order to improve the state border security, Almaty, the Republic of Kazakhstan. Methodology: For the purpose of achievement of the research objectives M. Weber’s ideal type methodology was selected, a system-synergetic approach, social constructivism, and historicism principles were used. Empirical data was received from document analysis and an expert survey of border security specialists of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Russian Federation, and Ukraine. Main Findings: The concept statements concerning the functions of modern Kazakhstan border were developed. The content of the modern model of military professionalism was defined. The military professionalism model, which defines the work of the border security service with due regard to the requirements of its development by 2050, is aimed at conceptualizing the technical modernization of border units. It was concluded that the border service of Kazakhstan requires a long-term development plan, involving the organization of “smart borders”. Applications: The results of the study may be used for complex measures which will enhance barrier function and contact function at the same time, and also the imposition of higher requirements for intellectual competence of border guards. The defined main directions of technical modernization of the border security service of the Republic of Kazakhstan will help implement the modern requirements for the State border security, characteristics of the state border modern situation, as well as the developed forecast by 2050. Novelty/Originality: Such a kind of study was firstly conducted with usage of declared methods and according to the declared aim.


2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-105
Author(s):  
GERRI O’NEILL

In April 1921, while Waterford was under martial law, Brigid Fahy, a native of Dungarvan, and her maid Bridget O’Neill, became victims of a violent assault in their home during curfew hours. The alleged perpetrators were two ‘Black and Tans’ attached to the RIC barracks in the town. They subsequently returned to the residence and burned it as a reprisal for the formal complaint made by Fahy about their behaviour. This article explores how the police, the military and the state responded to Fahy’s public pursuit of justice. Drawing on the correspondence between Dublin Castle and senior military officers, as well as Fahy’s sworn statement, it highlights the tensions that existed between the civil and military authorities in Ireland during this period. Central to the narrative is chief secretary Sir Hamar Greenwood, who—despite his elevated position within the Irish administration—could not persuade General Strickland’s 6th Division to communicate any information on the case, leaving Greenwood in an almost untenable position when confronted with questions on the matter in the House of Commons. Fahy’s case not only highlights the breakdown in communications that existed between Dublin Castle and the military, but demonstrates the breakdown of trust between the citizens of Dungarvan and the RIC. It argues that crimes of this nature may have been under-reported, as women had no incentive to report the crimes of the RIC and every reason to refrain from doing so.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0095327X2110330
Author(s):  
Humphrey A. Agyekum

Scholarly debates on civil–military relations often focus on how the military impacts society. Adding to the vast literature of civil–military relations, this article examines how socio-cultural practices and societal developments in the host society affect the military. Based on long-term ethnographic engagement with the Ghana Armed Forces, the piece presents empirical observations of how culturally informed practices, such as begging via proxies ( djuan toa), infiltrate the Ghanaian military barracks and affect the institutions’ functioning. The article illustrates how two additional elements, skewed recruitment practices and the politicisation of the rank and file, are used as tools by political factions, such as Ghana’s two most prominent parties the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress, seeking to gain control over the Ghanaian military. The article analyses how these approaches contribute to undermining the armed forces’ discipline and military professionalism and consequently affect the military institution as a whole.


1980 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 421-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Philip

Does political science advance or do fashions merely change? There can be no doubt that this past decade has seen a major change in the ways in which the nature of military rule in Latin America has been examined. To a large extent, this has been due to changes in the nature of Latin American governments themselves and, more particularly, to the emergence of the long term military-bureaucratic (sometimes called bureaucratic-authotitarian) government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 5-24
Author(s):  
Anna Bræmer Warburg ◽  
Steffen Jensen

This article explores the social and moral implications of Duterte's war on drugs in a poor, urban neighbourhood in Manila, the Philippines. Drawing on long-term ethnographic fieldwork, surveys, and human rights interventions, the article sheds light on policing practices, social relations, and moral discourses by examining central perspectives of the state police implementing the drug war, of local policing actors engaging with informal policing structures, and of residents dealing with everyday insecurities. It argues that the drug war has produced a climate of ambiguous fear on the ground, which has reconfigured and destabilised social relations between residents and the state as well as among residents. Furthermore, this has led to a number of subordinate moral discourses — centred on social justice, family, and religion — with divergent perceptions on the drug war and the extent to which violence is deemed legitimate.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 152
Author(s):  
Muradi Muradi

Building professional soldiers into the wishes and commitments of many countries, this is due to the strengthening of threats that are not only traditional threats, but also non-traditional threats. This situation confirms that the presence of professional soldiers will ensure the sovereignty of the state, because the military institution can focus on its duties and functions on the defense of the country. In this context, the Indonesian Armed Forces (Tentara Nasional Indonesia—TNI) is also faced with situations that place TNI institutions to become professionals, relying on democratic civilian government through the defense ministry with an emphasis on improving the welfare of soldiers simultaneously with efforts to modernize Indonesia's defense system. Because the Military-Keynesianism approach believes that improving the welfare of the army is part of the consequences of increasing defense budgets. The paper argues that the increase in defense budget will be correlated with the welfare of the army, although the policy is not directly for the welfare of the army. The article also argues that the increase in the defense budget should improve the TNI foundation as an ideal institution by emphasizing the welfare of soldiers.


Diálogos ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 176
Author(s):  
Paulo Ribeiro Rodrigues da Cunha

O presente artigo procura resgatar um dos períodos mais intensos e menos estudados da Guerra Fria no Brasil, quando duas correntes militares antípodas política e ideológicas atuaram na perspectiva de influenciar através de suas entidades de classe um projeto de nação. Entretanto, essa reflexão tem por foco, os militares nacionalistas e de esquerda, oficiais e praças das forças armadas cuja intervenção foi bem sucedida ao final, com a vitória da Tese do Monopólio Estatal do Petróleo e não intervenção brasileira no conflito coreano, embora ao custo de uma repressão sobre centenas de militares, muitos deles presos e torturados e até hoje não anistiados, demonstrando em última instância, a fragilidade da democracia e do Estado Democrático e de Direito no Brasil. Abstract The Military and the Cold War in Brazil The present article seeks to recover one of the most intense and least studied period of the Cold War in Brazil, when two military antipodal political and ideological currents acted in the perspective of influencing through its class entities a nation project. However, this reflection is focused on the nationalist and leftist military, officers and squares of the armed forces whose intervention was successful in the end, with the victory of the Thesis of the State Petroleum Monopoly and not Brazilian intervention in the Korean conflict, although at cost of a crackdown on hundreds of soldiers, many of them imprisoned and tortured and still unamused, demonstrating in the last instance the fragility of democracy and the Democratic State and Law in Brazil. Resumen Los Militares y la Guerra Fría en Brasil El presente artículo busca rescatar uno del período más intensos y menos estudiados de la Guerra Fría en Brasil, cuando dos corrientes militares antípodas políticas e ideológicas actuaron en la perspectiva de influenciar a través de sus entidades de clase un proyecto de nación. Sin embargo, esta reflexión tiene por foco, los militares nacionalistas y de izquierda, oficiales y plazas de las fuerzas armadas cuya intervención fue exitosa al final, con la victoria de la Tesis del Monopolio Estatal del Petróleo y no intervención brasileña en el conflicto coreano, aunque al costo de una represión sobre cientos de militares, muchos de ellos presos y torturados y hasta hoy no aniquilados, demostrando en última instancia, la fragilidad de la democracia y del Estado Democrático y de Derecho en Brasil.


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