scholarly journals Crisis in Burma

2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-60
Author(s):  
Edward Bong Geul Joo

On September 24, 2007, the conflict in Burma, also known as Myanmar, between the public and the military junta, officially known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), reached a serious point. The military junta, which represented the Burmese government, had raised the price of oil through its monopoly, which subsequently elevated food prices. In response, the public, including 1000 monks, protested against the tyrannical rule of the junta. The junta reacted by killing thousands of people and arresting democratic leaders such as U Gambira, the leader of the protesting monks. Amidst this turmoil, many foreign countries intervened to try to find a solution. Keck and Sikkink suggest that these are voluntary and angel states coming to the aid of others. On the other hand, Kaufmann and Pape argue that these are states masking their acts as aid while looking for gains for themselves. They add that these political gains are made at the costly price of economic loss. By examining how the United States has been involved in the crisis in Burma, Kaufmann and Pape’s view on these states appears to be more correct than that of Keck and Sikkink, who believe in the existence of voluntary states.

1977 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adolf Sprudzs

Among the many old and new actors on the international stage of nations the United States is one of the most active and most important. The U.S. is a member of most existing intergovernmental organizations, participates in hundreds upon hundreds of international conferences and meetings every year and, in conducting her bilateral and multilateral relations with the other members of the community of nations, contributes very substantially to the development of contemporary international law. The Government of the United States has a policy of promptly informing the public about developments in its relations with other countries through a number of documentary publication, issued by the Department of State


1954 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 338-357
Author(s):  
Wilfred Malenbaum

Of Some 45.5 billion dollars in aid which the United States has provided to foreign countries in the postwar period from July 1, 1945, through June 30, 1953, roughly 75 per cent is recorded as grant assistance, the remainder as assistance in the form of credits. Examination of the statistics in these two categories suggests that there really is a third category, in which some of the aid listed in each of the two might properly be put. Thus, transactions listed as “grants” have realized some repayments; others have been renegotiated into cash or credits. On the other hand, there are “loans” which are obviously part grants; other loans remain loans only because of our grants to the same country.


1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adamantios Th. Polyzoides

On November 7 Greece held its first general election under the system of proportional representation, using a modified form of the Belgian system. This innovation was imposed on the country despite the most strenuous opposition by all of the old parties, the majority of the press, and the bulk of public opinion, and its adoption was a clear victory of the minority parties, assisted by the Military League and the then dictator General Kondylis.The arguments of the established parties in favor of the old plurality system ran on lines too familiar to require extensive statement here. The former system, according to its supporters, usually assures the election of large majorities, one way or the other, and enables Parliament to give the country what we call a strong government, such as Greece needed at the time of the election. Great Britain and the United States were offered as the outstanding examples of the efficiency of the two-party system, which is best served by the old-fashioned electoral method of absolute plurality. Naturally enough, Belgium was cited as the worst exponent of the evils of proportional representation.


1991 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivelaw L. Griffith

The death of forbes burnham in August 1985 and the passing of power to Hugh Desmond Hoyte have produced dramatic changes in Guyana, South America's only English-speaking republic. Some of these have involved: (1) privatization of the public sector, (2) abolition of overseas voting, (3) negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), (4) rapprochement with the United States, plus (5) an agreement that observers — including former President Jimmy Carter and representatives from the London-based Commonwealth Secretariat—are being invited to oversee the upcoming elections scheduled for either August or September 1991.Precipitated by domestic and international pressures, these changes have taken place within the context of a change in regimes as well, in which one dominant leader, Forbes Burnham, has been succeeded by another equally dominant, Desmond Hoyte.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-88
Author(s):  
Max Margulies ◽  
Leah Foodman

Expanding mandatory selective service registration in the United States to include women would seem to be good public policy that increases national security and reduces gender bias. Despite the recent recommendation of a congressionally-mandated commission, recent efforts to implement this important reform have repeatedly stalled. Why? In this article, we explain the failure of selective service reform through the lens of American political institutions. Neither the composition of the Supreme Court, nor the institutional incentives facing legislators, are conducive to movement on this issue. Building on the legislative entrepreneurship literature, we argue that recent trends in congressional representation and the adoption of new issue framings are the most likely factors that will increase the probability of selective service reform. The absence of selective service reform in the United States reveals important facts about agenda-setting in defense policy and how political institutions shape the relationship between the public and the military.


1976 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 251-363 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles W. Wolfram

Anyone interested in the current doings of the antibiotics antitrust litigation in the spring of 1975l could easily have found seating in the public section of the courtroom of Judge Miles A. Lord in Minneapolis. An instantly striking aspect of the courtroom was that, in contrast to the scattering of young attorneys and an occasional curious onlooker in the public section, there were dozens of people crowded into the area around the central raised bench on which Judge Lord sits. Several attorneys represenr: the defendants-five of the major drug manufacturing companies in the United States. Numerous counsel for the plaintiffs were grouped around a large table to Judge Lord's right. Clerks, court reporters, and marshals sat beneath the bench. The most remarkable feature of the crowd, however, was the presence of two jury boxes containing two separate juries. In fact, two different trials in six different cases were proceeding at once. “Jury One” was hearing evidence in actions brought by the United States, two national classes (one of insurance companies and the other of union health and welfare funds), and a California medical group. “Jury TWQ” was hearing evidence in suits brought in behalf of competitors of the defendant drug companies. For the most part, the juries were hearing evidence common to both sets of cases. When evidence was introduced that was relevant to only one set of cases, the other jvry would be excused.


Author(s):  
William R Towns

The standard for trademark infringement in the United States is ‘likelihood of confusion’. Under this standard trademark infringement occurs when, dependent on the attendant circumstances, two parties’ use of the same or similar mark with related goods and services would be likely to cause the public mistakenly to believe: (1) that the goods and services emanate from the same source; or (2) that the parties are in some manner affiliated or that the goods and services of one party have the sponsorship, endorsement, or approval of the other party. In either case, trademark law aims to protect the public from deceit, and to prevent the diversion of reputation and goodwill from the one who has created it to another who has not.


1912 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 513-523
Author(s):  
Eugene Wambaugh

As was indicated in a preceding article, the chief feature of the judicial year 1909–1910, from the point of view of Constitutional Law, was that the decisions, though numerous, were comparatively unimportant. On the contrary the chief feature of the constitutional decisions of the judicial year 1910–1911 was that an unusual number of them appeared to the public to be of great interest and consequence. Hence it is advisable to deal with the judicial year 1910–1911 in a manner wholly different from that which was adopted with its predecessor. The article covering the judicial year 1909–1910 collected all the constitutional cases in the Supreme Court of the United States, and, with the briefest possible indication of the point decided, distributed them among the several clauses of the Constitution which they served to annotate. For the judicial year 1910–1911, on the other hand, the plan adopted is to confine attention almost wholly to the few decisions making the year memorable. Thus it becomes possible to give a rather full statement of those few decisions and now and then to add comments.


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