scholarly journals A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF SHERPA AND NEPALI LANGUAGE ON THE BASIS OF CASE

Author(s):  
Dawa Sherpa

Sherpa language spoken by Sherpas, the inhabitants of Himalayan region, falls on Tibeto-Burman language family. While comparing the case grammar of Sherpa language and Nepali language both have similarly types of case and case marker (Bibhakti). Sherpa Subjective case takes ki suffix as case marker and Nepali case takes [le]. Sherpa objective case takes la suffix as case marker and Nepali case takes [lai]. Instrumental case takes ki/gi] suffix as case marker in sherpa and Nepali case takes le/ ba;ta. Dative case take la: as case marker in Sherpa and Nepali case takes [lai]. Ablative case takes tja:su as case marker in Sherpa and Nepali case takes [ba:ta/ ᵭekhi]. Locative case takes la: as case marker in Sherpa and Nepali case takes [ma] and possessive case takes ki as case marker in Sherpa and Nepali case takes[ ro/ no/ ko]. Sherpa language and Nepali language are similar on the basis of case grammar study. The sentence structure in Sherpa language is different from Nepali language. There is no gender system in this language. Verbs are not changed on the basis of number either. SPECIAL WORDS: Tibeto-Burman, Sambhota Script, Kham, tan, Linguistic Universal.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-308
Author(s):  
Dan Xu

Abstract The case model of the syncretic case [xa] in the Gansu-Qinghai area came from non-Sinitic languages, while the phonetic form came from Sinitic languages (“Sinitic languages” are usually called “Chinese dialects” in the Chinese linguistic community). The paper shows that this marker [xa] may come from a topic marker and topic chain markers in Sinitic languages. The accusative/dative marker formation was motivated by pragmatic factors. This phenomenon is also found in other languages. The syncretic use of cases is commonplace in languages across the world, whereas the accusative/dative marker [xa] is one of the prominent features in Sinitic languages in the Gansu-Qinghai area. The accusative/dative case formation did not know an even speed in Sinitic languages. It seems that Wutun and Tangwang evolved rapidly while Linxia and Gangou changed with an intermediate rhythm. Qinghai languages are the closest to Tibetic languages, but paradoxically they seem to be more conservative and do not adopt dative markers in possessor and experiencer constructions which are seen overwhelmingly in Tibetic languages. However, other Sinitic languages have adopted this marking progressively and steadily. The language model of the syncretic marker [xa] is not from a single language. Amdo Tibetan as well as Mongolic languages have contributed to the case formation of [xa] in Sinitic languages. This paper proposes that an Intertwining Model helped the spread of case formation in this zone. Languages of one group or of one language family have influenced each other at different periods. The results of case formation we note today constitute a net-like relationships connected to various languages, but not a neat and linear path.


Author(s):  
Dawa Sherpa Ph.D

Sherpa language is spoken by Sherpas and Tamang language is spoken by Tamangs. Both of these languages fall under Tibeto-Burman language family. The present comparative study between these two languages is qualitative in nature. Data collection for the study was made with purposive interview and conclusion has been drawn. Both language bear resemblance in the sentence structure as subject + object + verb pattern. Both the languages have similarity in sentences meaning as declarative, interrogative, optative, imperative, subjunctive, indicative and exclamatory sentences from the formal point of view. Both the languages have similar simple, compound and complex sentences. These languages differ from Nepali language in grammatical structure. Both the languages do not have sentence congruity in the structure. They seem a grammatical on the basis of number and gender. KEY WORDS: A grammatical, sambhota, Target language, phonological linguistic competence/ linguistic power.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-19
Author(s):  
Sujal Pokharel ◽  
K. Sharma ◽  
S. Shrestha

Objective: To describe spoken language case markers of Nepali language, to study their presence in typically developing children in the age of 3-4, 4-5, 5-6, and 6-7 years in the conversational sample and picture description and to report on the frequency of occurrence of these case markers in the obtained sample.Material and Methods: 87 (male=54, female=33) typically developing Nepali speaking children of age range 3-7 years, were randomly selected from english schools at kathmandu (Oriental Academy and Mount Secondary English Boarding School) between June 2011 to June 2012. Participants were assigned into 4 groups (i.e. 3-4 years, 4-5 years, 5-6 years and 6-7 years) according to their age during sample collection. Common case markers of Nepali were selected. Conversational samples were collected and analysed.Results There is a general increase in the acquisition as well as the frequency of usage of any type of case marker with the increase in the age of children. Among the different types of case markers, nominative and locative case marker types are the most developed type of case markers among any age group of children.Conclusion: There is an overall positive progression in the acquisition of types of case markers as well as their frequency of occurrence along with the increase in age of the child in normal typically developing children in Nepali language  


Author(s):  
Bernhard Wälchli

This chapter reconstructs how Nalca, a Mek language of the Trans-New Guinea phylum, has acquired gender markers and describes the non-canonical properties of this highly unusual gender system. Gender in Nalca is mainly assigned by two different defaults, phonological assignment is holistic, there is a gender switch depending on the syntax of the noun phrase, controller and target are adjacent, and gender has the function of case marker hosts. Gender in Nalca is only weakly entrenched in the lexicon and predominantly phrasal. It is argued that canonical gender is an attractor (a complex, diachronically stable structure with heterogeneous origins). A model of the gender attractor based on the notion of information transfer chain is developed. The rise of Nalca gender is an instance of system emergence where several diachronic processes, such as grammaticalization, reanalysis, and analogy, interact. Chains of rapid diachronic change are triggered by anomalies that entail other anomalies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 122 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-104
Author(s):  
Katsiaryna Ackermann

AbstractThe distribution of stem and desinence allomorphs in PB.-Sl. infinitives reveals their initial dependence on syntactic function/semantics and verbal aspect. While constituting part of syntactic constructions, forerunners of infinitives adopted stem allomorphs fitting best the purposive semantics (as the most frequent usage) which correspond to the stems of Slavic aorists and Baltic s-futures. The distribution of the two ending variants in both language branches, the unaccented circumflex *-ti and the acute and partially stressed *-tí, shows that infinitives of originally telic roots (root aorists in PIE) took only the former, whereas infinitives of originally atelic roots (no root aorists in PIE) took the latter variant of the ending. In certain infinitive groups, due to their syllabic structure the prosody has been susceptible to further change, so that the distribution is not obvious at first sight. In the following analysis unstressed circumflex PB.-Sl. *-ti is associated with the dative case-ending of -ti- abstracts: *-tı̃ < *-téi̯-ei̯(with regular circumflexion in auslaut contraction), whereas stressed acute *-tí has been connected to the locative morphology, continuing the lengthened suffix allomorph of the PIE endingless locative: *-tí < *-tēi̯. Originally the dative case-ending best fit use as a purposive, whereas the locative case-ending best fit syntactic functions with concurrent adverbial semantics. Thus a coherent picture of all three components - meaning, form, and function - comes to light.


Author(s):  
Made Dian Ratna Aryani

This study aims to describe the verbs that give rise to dative construction and the semantic roles that arise in dative construction in Japanese sentence structure, which includes the agentif role, benefactive role, experience role, and objective role. The theory used in this study is the theory of Givon (2001), Cook's Case Grammar Theory (1979), and the theory of inheritance from Nitta (1991). Data sources are taken from the Japanese corpus, www.kotonoha.gr.jp/shonagon/ This research shows Japanese language  is a language marked or a file. The case in Japanese here is closely related to the system of inheritance in the Japanese sentence structure. The marker is attached after noun (noun). The markers or particles that state direct objects are accusative markers 'o' and markers datif  'ni' as markers of indirect objects. The verb found in this study is tatakareta 'has been tapped', yonde kureta 'has read', tooraseta 'has (caused) passed', and oboeta 'has remembered' which can bring up multiple objects, namely the order of direct objects and indirect objects. The results of this study, (1) show the verbs that allow the emergence of multiple objects, especially indirect objects (IO) in the construction of Japanese, are transitive verbs or action verbs and intransitive verbs in the form of idou doushi 'moving verbs' are causative in Japanese language {~ exciting / ~ saseru} means to make / cause, and (2) the semantic roles that arise in the dative construction of Japanese sentence structures (BJ) include (a) agentive roles, (b) benefactive roles, (c) experience roles, and (c) objective roles. Semantically the verbs that give rise to the semantic role are keizoku doushi 'continuous verbs' and shunkan doushi 'pungtual verbs'.


2004 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Collins

The linker in Nluu appears before various types of nominal expressions, but not before the second object in a double object construction. Linkers in Khoisan languages such as +Hoan and Jul'hoansi do appear in this position. I will show that this property of the linker in Nluu is related to the fact that Nluu has a dative Case marker -a which appears after the first object of a DOC, whereas +Hoan and Jul'hoansi do not. 1.


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