scholarly journals Syrian Kurds, Rojava and Alternative Society Building in Middle East

2020 ◽  
Vol 148 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-40
Author(s):  
Krisztián Manzinger ◽  
Péter Wagner

Answering to local expectations and the need for a reliant partner for the US Army in the fight against ISIS, a Kurdish-based de facto autonomous territory emerged in Northern Syria, which later turned into a multicultural entity. The characteristically leftist political, social, and economic changes implemented by the new regime differ considerably from the government models practised in the region; however, they also trigger significant criticism. Although in 2018 and 2019, the entity suffered important losses in territory due to the geopolitical interests of Russia, the US, and Turkey, the Au-tonomous Administration of North and East Syria still could be a solid pillar in Syria’s future. This is not only due to its strategic and military importance, but also because the political system could provide, nevertheless, after some changes, an alternative for the Middle East in terms of multicultural governance, women’s rights and society-building based on mutual respect.

Author(s):  
Sari Kouvo ◽  
Corey Levine

Since the emergence of the Taliban movement in Afghanistan, the situation of Afghan women has been a prominent issue in media and policy. This chapter analyzes the complex and contested role of women’s rights in Afghanistan since the US military-led intervention. Beginning with a review of justifications for the intervention—based in part on the situation of Afghan women—the chapter details and critiques the legislative and constitutional changes brought about by the intervention and the subsequent backlash against increased freedoms. As the international community shifted to prioritize security and stability over women’s rights, it illustrates the abandonment of Afghan women in favor of the possibility of negotiations with the Taliban. The chapter calls for greater involvement of women in peace processes and a genuine commitment to women’s rights by both the government and the international community. It closes with recommendations for other countries in transition.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.


2017 ◽  
pp. 110-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska

This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-36
Author(s):  
Holly J. McCammon ◽  
Cathryn Beeson-Lynch

Drawing on social-movement and sociolegal theorizing, we investigate legal-framing innovations in the briefs of reproductive-rights cause lawyers in prominent US Supreme Court abortion cases. Our results show that pro-choice activist attorneys engage in innovative women’s-rights framing when the political-legal context is more resistant to abortion rights for women, that is, when the political-legal opportunity structure is generally closed to reproductive-rights activism. We consider reproductive-rights framing in three types of pivotal abortion cases over the last half-century: challenges to limitations on public funding of abortion, challenges to regulations that include multiple restrictions on abortion access, and challenges to bans on second-trimester abortions. Our analysis proceeds both qualitatively and quantitatively, with close reading of the briefs to distill the main women’s-rights frames, a count analysis using text mining to examine use of the frames in the briefs, and assessment of the political-judicial context to discern its influence on cause-lawyer legal framing. We conclude by theorizing the importance of the broader political-legal context in understanding cause-lawyer legal-framing innovations.


2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 943-955 ◽  
Author(s):  
IAN LEIGH

AbstractThis article argues that there is a need to modernise the law governing accountability of the UK security and intelligence agencies following changes in their work in the last decade. Since 9/11 the agencies have come increasingly into the spotlight, especially because of the adoption of controversial counter-terrorism policies by the government (in particular forms of executive detention) and by its international partners, notably the US. The article discusses the options for reform in three specific areas: the use in legal proceedings of evidence obtained by interception of communications; with regard to the increased importance and scle of collaboration with overseas agencies; and to safeguard the political independence of the agencies in the light of their substantially higher public profile. In each it is argued that protection of human rights and the need for public accountability requires a new balance to be struck with the imperatives of national security.


Author(s):  
RANDRINRIJAONA MAEVA

The exclusion of women is at the heart of the modern political order, despite the gradual recognition of formal equality between men and women in the exercise of political rights. The evolution of the political culture has nevertheless allowed the gradual access of women to power. Yet in the case of Madagascar, gender consideration is not limited to the integration of women in power, but several challenges lie ahead for the country in terms of women's rights. Women parliamentarians through their roles can advocate for women's rights. But the question is how these women parliamentarians advocate for women’s development rights do?Women's development requires respect for their rights, and women parliamentarians, when designing and passing laws, have the opportunity to fight for women's rights, which generally boil down to the right to health, safety and work. The aim is therefore to highlight the capacity of women parliamentarians to establish a rule of law that allows women to develop. Women's participation in the proposals and discussions of laws can play an equal part in promoting women's rights and women's development.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peshraw Mohammed Ameen

In this research we dealt with the aspects of the presidential system and the semi-presidential system, and he problematic of the political system in the Kurdistan Region. Mainly The presidential system has stabilized in many important countries, and the semi-presidential concept is a new concept that can be considered a mixture of parliamentary and presidential principles. One of the features of a semi-presidential system is that the elected president is accountable to parliament. The main player is the president who is elected in direct or indirect general elections. And the United States is a model for the presidential system, and France is the most realistic model for implementing the semi-presidential system. The French political system, which lived a long period under the traditional parliamentary system, introduced new adjustments in the power structure by strengthening the powers of the executive authority vis-à-vis Parliament, and expanding the powers of the President of the Republic. In exchange for the government while remaining far from bearing political responsibility, and therefore it can be said that the French system has overcome the elements of the presidential system in terms of objectivity and retains the elements of the parliamentary system in terms of formality, so it deserves to be called the semi-presidential system. Then the political system in the Kurdistan Region is not a complete parliamentary system, and it is not a presidential system in light of the presence of a parliament with powers. Therefore, the semi-presidential system is the most appropriate political system for this region, where disputes are resolved over the authority of both the parliament and the regional president, and a political system is built stable. And that because The presence of a parliamentary majority, which supports a government based on a strategic and stable party coalition, which is one of the current problems in the Kurdistan region. This dilemma can be solved through the semi-presidential system. And in another hand The impartiality of the head of state in the relationship with the government and parliament. The head of state, with some relations with the government, can participate in legislative competencies with Parliament.


Author(s):  
Y. S. Kudryashova

During the government of AK Party army leaders underprivileged to act as an exclusive guarantor preserving a secular regime in the country. The political balance between Secular and Islamite elites was essentially removed after Erdogan was elected Turkish President. Consistently toughening authoritarian regime of a ruling party deeply accounts for a military coup attempt and earlier periodically occurred disturbance especially among the young. The methods of a coup showed the profundity of a split and the lack of cohesion in Turkish armed forces. Erdogan made the best use of a coup attempt’s opportunities to concentrate all power in his hands and to consolidate a present regime. The mass support of the population during a coup attempt ensured opportunities for a fundamental reorganization of a political system. Revamped Constitution at most increases political powers of the President.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 67-104
Author(s):  
Christian Dalenz

This paper deals with economic changes in the last 12 years in Bolivia under the presidency of Evo Morales. After a short introduction about the political landscape of the country, I will explain how Morales’ party, Movimiento al Socialismo, planned to change Bolivia’s economic model. Here I will rely on the works by former Bolivian Ministry of Economics and Public Finances, Luis Arce Catacora. Then I will show the improvements in social conditions of the Bolivian population during the Morales’ presidency, and I will relate them to the Cash Conditional Transfers adopted by the government, otherwise known as bonos. Finally, I will assess the intricate issue of economic and environmental sustainability of this model. My point of view is that since Bolivia will soon face less revenue from its gas exports, efforts in diversifying its economy will have to improve. At the same time, no major crisis should happen.


Author(s):  
Rachel Kranson

This essay traces the Women’s League for Conservative Judaism’s engagement in the issue of reproductive rights during the 1970s and early 1980s. Members of the Women’s League first championed legal abortion in 1970, defending their position through expressly feminist arguments supporting women’s reproductive autonomy. While they never backed down from their endorsement of legal abortion, the political shifts of the late 1970s and early 1980s compelled them to develop a new language through which to discuss the issue. Reframing access to abortion as a matter of religious freedom offered Women’s League members a way to articulate their support for the procedure without publicly endorsing the principle of women’s reproductive autonomy, an idea that had become increasingly controversial over the course of the 1970s. As much of the American public began to view a particularly right-wing, Christian opposition to abortion as a universal religious principle, the leaders of the Women’s League struggled to show that their backing of legal abortion did not conflict with their religious commitments. Framing access to abortion as a religious right enabled them to present their stance on abortion as a component of their spiritual worldview rather than as a capitulation to secular, feminist ideals.


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