scholarly journals Rzut oka na współczesną włoską filozofię polityki, poczynając od La pensabilità del mondo Sebastiana Maffettonego

2011 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 67-80
Author(s):  
Cinzia Sciuto ◽  
Anna Fligel
Keyword(s):  
John Rawls ◽  
Terrorist Group ◽  
Global Society ◽  
The Face ◽  
Global Nature ◽  
Single State ◽  
Balance Of Forces ◽  
Italian Philosophy ◽  
Global Reach

The author presents a panorama of the contemporary Italian philosophy of politics, focusing, in particular, on a reflection on a global society. This ‘globalisation’ of philosophical and political reflection has been subjected to a sudden acceleration, beginning with 11 September 2001, a day which was a tragic demonstration of the global nature of the contemporary balance of forces. Never before had a single state waged war against a vaguely identified terrorist group of global reach, where only the name and the face of its elusive leader is known. The author familiarises the reader with the views of Sebastian Maffetone, who, with his Renaissance faith in the speculative mind, wants to make this world, which is itself chaotic, a reasoned, which is to say, a rational one. He places himself in the tradition of thought which leads from Kant, via Hegel, to John Rawls.

scholarly journals The Limits of Constructivism: Can Rawls Condemn Female Genital Mutilation?

2009 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-482 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Koppelman
Keyword(s):  
John Rawls ◽  
The Body ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Good Life ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
Genital Mutilation ◽  
Theory Of Justice ◽  
The Face ◽  
Acceptable Theory ◽  
Female Genital

AbstractConstructivist political theory, championed most prominently by John Rawls, builds up a conception of justice from the minimal requirements of political life. It has two powerful attractions. It promises a kind of civic unity in the face of irresolvable differences about the good life. It also offers a foundation for human rights that is secure in the face of those same differences. The very parsimony that is its strength, however, deprives it of the resources to condemn some atrocities. Because it focuses on the political aspect of persons, it has difficulty cognizing violence done to those aspects of the person that are not political, preeminently the body. Constructivism thus can be only a part of an acceptable theory of justice.

Talking to Yourself

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ethan Kross ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Gunshot Wound ◽  
Terrorist Group ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
Initial Moment ◽  
Nobel Peace Prize ◽  
Negative Thoughts ◽  
Common Response ◽  
The Face ◽  
Clear Solutions

In 2012, a 14-year-old Pakistani girl received one of the most frightening messages imaginable: a terrorist group was plotting to kill her. Her name was Malala Yousafzai, and two years later, after recovering from a gunshot wound to the face, she would become the youngest Nobel Peace Prize Laureate. But in that initial moment, when she had just heard about the threat against her life, she found herself focusing inward trying to make sense of her situation.  When we're stressed, turning inward is a common response—but it often backfires. Instead of making us feel better, it leads us to experience chatter. Chatter is the cycle of negative thoughts and feelings that turn our capacity for introspection into a vulnerability rather than a strength—we worry, ruminate, and catastrophize rather than come up with clear solutions for how to improve our circumstances. And chatter is even more common now, given the turbulence of a once-in-a-century pandemic, a racial reckoning, and extreme political polarization.

Justice and Culture: Rawls, Sen, Acile Fabreo' Neill

2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
CéAcile Fabre ◽  
David Miller
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
John Rawls ◽  
Martha Nussbaum ◽  
Amartya Sen ◽  
Human Capabilities ◽  
Liberal Societies ◽  
The Face ◽  
Liberal Rights ◽  
Over Time

Is it possible, in a multicultural world, to hold all societies to a common standard of decency that is both high enough to protect basic human interests, and yet not biased in the direction of particular cultural values? We examine the recent work of four liberals – John Rawls, Amartya Sen, Martha Nussbaum and Onora O' Neill – to see whether any of them has given a successful answer to this question. For Rawls, the decency standard is set by reference to an idea of basic human rights that we argue offers too little protection to members of non-liberal societies. Sen and Nussbaum both employ the idea of human capabilities, but in interestingly different ways: for Sen the problems are how to weight different capabilities, and how to decide which are basic, whereas for Nussbaum the difficulty is that her favoured list of capabilities depends on an appeal to autonomy that is unlikely to be acceptable to non-liberal cultures. O' Neill rejects a rights-based approach in favour of a neo-Kantian position that asks which principles of action people everywhere could consent to, but this also may be too weak in the face of cultural diversity. We conclude that liberals need to argue both for a minimum decency standard and for the full set of liberal rights as the best guarantors of that standard over time.

scholarly journals O Construtivismo Político: Uma Teoria Pública da Razão Prática/Political Constructivism: a public theory of practical reason

2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (9) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Everton Puhl Maciel
Keyword(s):  
John Rawls ◽  
Political Liberalism ◽  
Original Position ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Justification ◽  
Moral Intuitionism ◽  
A Value ◽  
The Face ◽  
Political Constructivism ◽  
The Universe

RESUMO: Esse trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o construtivismo político da Terceira Conferência da obra Liberalismo Político, de John Rawls. Especificamente, vamos tentar compreender como, limitando o universo de construção aos parâmetros estabelecidos pelo discurso político, podemos estender o alcance dos princípios acordados na posição original para uma comunidade muito mais ampla frente às doutrinas morais abrangentes. Demonstraremos o construtivismo político coerentista não em oposição ao intuicionismo moral utilitarista nem ao construtivismo moral kantiano, mas como capaz de absorver modelos com esse grau de razoabilidade. Isso será disposto através de uma justificação pública tanto do conteúdo quanto da forma do modelo adotado. Assim, o consenso sobreposto apresentado por Rawls é responsável direto pelo resultado democrático que esperamos de uma sociedade onde a publicidade ocupa espaço enquanto fato e possui um valor aceito como legítimo. Nosso método de trabalho envolve uma leitura analítica do texto e de comentadores pertinentes ao assunto proposto.ABSTRACT: This study aims to objective analyze the political constructivism of the Third Conference of the work Political Liberalism, by John Rawls. Specifically, we understand how limiting the universe of construction to the parameters by the political discourse, we can extend the reach of the principles agreed in the original position to a much larger universe in the face of comprehensive moral doctrines. We demonstrate what political constructivism no consistent as opposed to utilitarian moral intuitionism or the Kantian moral constructivism, but as capable of absorbing models with this degree of reasonableness. This will be provided through a public justification of both the content and form of the model adopted. Thus, the overlapping consensus presented by Rawls is directly responsible for the democratic results we expect from a society where democracy takes up space as a fact and has a value accepted as legitimate. KEYWORDS: Constructivism; justification; liberalism.

scholarly journals Teorias de justiça social aplicadas a políticas públicas no Brasil para redução de desigualdades / Theories of social justice applied to public policies in Brazil to reduce inequalities

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Antônio Walber Matias Muniz ◽  
Fernanda Eduardo Olea do Rio Muniz
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
John Rawls ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
Amartya Sen ◽  
Social Programs ◽  
Grant Program ◽  
The Family ◽  
Bolsa Familia ◽  
The Face ◽  
Political Decisions

Resumo: Este trabalho visa discutir sobre a aplicabilidade das concepções de justiça às políticas sociais no Brasil. Busca-se constatar qual concepção de justiça melhor se identifica com programas sociais do Governo Federal brasileiro, decorrentes da implantação de políticas públicas de combate à pobreza e de redução de desigualdades. Faz-se isso considerando a instituição do programa "Bolsa Família" frente as concepções de justiça formuladas por filósofos e economistas tais como: Platão, Aristóteles, Hobbes, Rousseau, Kant, Del Vecchio, Kelsen, John Rawls, Hayek e Amartya Sem, os quais compõem a base metodológica desta pesquisa bibliográfica. Conclui-se que, a concepção de justiça preconizada pelo economista Amartya Sen, ao defender decisões políticas capazes de ampliar a justiça social para minimizar injustiças intoleráveis, promover o desenvolvimento, movimentar a economia e respeitar os direitos humanos, melhor se identifica com o programa governamental "Bolsa Família". Abstract: This paper aims to discuss the applicability of conceptions of justice to social policies in Brazil. It seeks to verify which conception of justice is best identified with social programs of the Brazilian Federal Government, resulting from the implementation of public policies to combat poverty and reduce inequalities. This is done by considering the institution of the Family Grant program in the face of the conceptions of justice formulated by philosophers and economists such as Plato, Aristotle, Hobbes, Rousseau, Kant, Del Vecchio, Kelsen, John Rawls, Hayek and Amartya Sem. which make up the methodological basis of this bibliographic research. It is concluded that the conception of justice advocated by the economist Amartya Sen, when defending political decisions capable of extending social justice to minimize intolerable injustices, promote development, move the economy and respect human rights, is better identified with the governmental program "Bolsa Família".

The security strategy of the People’s Republic of China in light of the 2019 Defence White Paper

2020 ◽  
Vol 700 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-64
Author(s):  
Paweł Paszak
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
White Paper ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Security Strategy ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Balance Of Forces

This article aims to outline main directions of the security strategy of the People’s Republic of China basing on the analysis of the Defence White Paper of July 2019, the political practice of the Beijing authorities as well as internal and international situation. Having analysed the above mentioned areas, the author concludes that the contemporary strategy of the PRC is internally subordinated to maintaining territorial, political and social integrity, including primarily legitimization of the power of the Communist Party of China. Externally, the strategy is oriented at reversing the unfavourable balance of forces in the Asia-Pacific region and weakening of the US military advantage. Those two directions determine the activities of the Chinese state in such specific areas as: modernization of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), the relations with Taiwan and claims concerning South China Sea. The Defence White Paper is aimed at contrasting the unilateral and hegemonic policy of the United States (as the authors of the document see it) with the defensive and moderate activities of China. The narration serves to convince international players to remain neutral or engage in collaboration with China in the face of intensifying military, economic and political pressure on the part of the USA. China has entered a “critical moment” of its development and the response of the Beijing authorities to the challenges of internal development and external pressures will determine whether in the 21st century it will become a superpower.

scholarly journals O direito à moradia sob a perspectiva dos direitos sociais: Os reflexos da inefetividade das políticas públicas habitacionais na atuação do poder judiciário

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dandara Cordeiro de Oliveira Fernandes
Keyword(s):  
John Rawls ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Order ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Effective Mechanism ◽  
Social Law ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Right

This dissertation intends to analyze the performance of the Judiciary in the implementation of public habitation policies, as an effective mechanism and also check them. It will be based on the process of judicialization of public policies as a reflection of this ineffectiveness, evaluating the legal order of the country with a focus on the Constitutional Law on Habitation, which must be protected by the State. Therefore, it will work on the idea of the Right to Habitation built as a Social Law and will start from the problem of the effectiveness of Social Rights, which consequently leads to the inoperability on public habitation policies. And the Judiciary contribution to remedy state omissions and failures in the face of the realization of Social Rights and the Right to Habitation. From the problematic of the effectiveness of public habitation policies and consequently the Right to Habitation, by constructing the conception of justice based on the material equality of John Rawls, will be raised the hypothesis of action of the Judiciary Power and the reflexes of this activity in the concretization of the policies, in view of the growing process of judicialization.

scholarly journals Youth Strike for Climate: Resistance of School Administrations, Conflicts Among Students, and Legitimacy of Autonomous Civil Disobedience—The Case of Québec

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri
Keyword(s):  
High Schools ◽  
John Rawls ◽  
Direct Action ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
Youth Movement ◽  
Philosophical Debate ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Media ◽  
Climate Resistance

This text presents the results of the first research conducted on “green” actions and strikes for climate in high schools across Québec, a Canadian province that witnessed in 2019 the larger street protests of the international youth movement. Based on 20 semistructured interviews with students from 12 high schools, letters from school principals addressed to parents, and research in the media, this text reaffirms that schools are a place of political conflicts and struggles not only between students and adults but also between students in opposite currents of the movement. It is also a reminder of the involvement of young people in autonomous direct action groups (Extinction Rebellion). The discussion then focuses on potential implications of the movement for future elections, the legitimacy of these collective actions in relation to the philosophical debate about civil disobedience (John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin, Manuel Cerveza-Marzal, and Alan Carter), and the hope for a renewal of the student movement in Québec in the face of a disaster of unprecedented scale.

scholarly journals „Na posterunku bojowym”. Wojska radzieckie w radzieckiej strefie okupacyjnej Niemiec/ Niemieckiej Republice Demokratycznej 1945–1954. Wybrane aspekty

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 78-124
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Hryciuk
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Main Task ◽  
Soviet Occupation ◽  
Red Army ◽  
The Face ◽  
East German ◽  
Balance Of Forces ◽  
The Stability ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Commander In Chief

The Group of Soviet Occupation Forces in Germany was formed in June 1945. It consisted mainly of the troops of the 1st Belarusian Front with marshal Georgy Zhukov as the first commander-in-chief of the Group. The main task of these troops was to supervise the process of demilitarization and democratization of the Soviet occupation zone in Germany. Occasionally, the Group also secured the process of dismantling a large part of the German industrial infrastructure. The cost of living of the Soviet troops was a major burden on the budget of this zone, which was transformed into the German Democratic Republic in 1949. The significant demobilization of the Red Army (the Soviet Army since 1946) also affected the units stationed in eastern Germany. Their numbers fell in 1947, but some of them were not disbanded or withdrawn to the USSR; they remained as so-called cadre units, with limited numbers, fully armed and equipped. It was their development in 1949 and 1950, in the face of the tightening international situation, that allowed to significantly increase the numbers of the Group’s troops, estimated in the mid-1950s at around 500 000. The Group consisted of the best equipped and trained units of the Soviet Army. These troops guaranteed the stability of local communist regimes (e.g. during the suppression of the East German uprising of 1953), as well as a potential instrument of aggression or defense in the event of war in Europe. In 1954, the Soviet Armed Forces stopped functioning as occupying forces in the GDR. Since then, they were only an element of the system of the mutual balance of forces between blocks competing in Europe. This was also the beginning of doctrinal changes in the Soviet Army. It had to adapt not only to the changed international situation, but above all to the completely different conditions of war on the atomic battlefield.

scholarly journals World Citizens on the Periphery: Threat and Identification with Global Society

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brandon Gorman ◽  
Charles Seguin
Keyword(s):  
Minority Groups ◽  
Terrorist Attack ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Weak State ◽  
Global Society ◽  
Marginalized Groups ◽  
Sense Of Security ◽  
Transnational Connections ◽  
The Face ◽  
Global Identification

Who identifies as a world citizen? Many scholars argue that transnational connections are the primary conduits for global cultural diffusion and, therefore, that affluent residents of the densely connected global core should be the most likely to identify with global society. However, empirical studies have shown that global identification is common on the global periphery. The authors build on theories suggesting that individuals may emphasize expansive identities when particularistic identities fail to provide a sense of security in the face of threat. They argue that members of peripheral and marginalized groups express greater global identification because of the threat inherent in their precarious social positions. The authors show that (1) global identification is more common among residents of weaker and more repressive states, (2) members of repressed minority groups are more likely to identify with global society than conationals with collective access to state power, and (3) many residents of one weak state—Lebanon—expressed greater enthusiasm for global connection immediately following a terrorist attack.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document