scholarly journals Problem narodu w pismach Stanisława Staszica

2010 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 133-147
Author(s):  
Tomasz Matlęgiewicz

The author presents the manner of understanding the notion of a ’nation’ in Polish intellectual space at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The specific, historical and political situation of Poland brought forth an untypical answer to the question, ”What does it mean to be Polish?”. Such an answer is exemplified by the political thought of Stanisław Staszic. The author subjects particular writings of Staszic to scrutiny, demonstrating both the evolution of his thinking and the foundations upon which his interpretation of the concept of a ’nation’ was based.

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-91
Author(s):  
David Haddorff

This article brings into dialogue Karl Barth and the political philosopher Chantal Mouffe. The purpose here is not to provide a detailed comparison, but to explore why Mouffe’s thought is relevant to the current political situation, which providesthe contemporary context for engaging Barth’s political theology. This argument involves: 1) a political analysis of the current political situation offered by Mouffe; 2) a particular interpretation of Barth’s political theology emerging from a trinitarian theological framework; 3) a comparison between the political thought of Mouffe and Barth emerging from Barth’s trinitarian political theology. This engagement is less concerned with critiquing Mouffe from a theological viewpoint, than positively demonstrating how Mouffe’s thought can be seen as a “secular parable” for a political theology in which trinitarian theology provides a framework. Central to this political theology are the ideas of equality, freedom, participation, and promise, which provide a theo-political framework for a radical democracy.


Author(s):  
Nicolás Pérez-Serrano Jáuregui

Este trabajo tiene por objeto analizar el papel que jugó la Revista de Derecho Político que se publicó en España entre 1932 y 1936 en el desarrollo del derecho constitucional y del pensamiento político en este país; para ello se revisa el origen de la revista, sus contenidos y el contexto en el que se publicó así como los efectos que produjo en el mismo.This paper focuses on the role of the Revista de Derecho Público, published in Spain between 1932 and 1936, in the field of Constitutional Law and of the Political Thought in this country; it analyses the origin of the review, its contents and the academic and political situation in which it was published.


2018 ◽  
pp. 121-150
Author(s):  
Joanna Rak

The article delves analytically into the political thought of the Polish pro-choice movement Gals for Gals which arose to oppose to the submitted draft act which was to have imposed a total ban on abortion and acted in 2016-2018. It aims to determine how Gals for Gals explained and justified their occurrence and political activity, how the strategies of this discoursive self-legitimation changed over time, and to what extent the collective identity-forming process depended on the external incentives understood as the stages of two legislative processes. In employing the written sources analysis, relational content analysis, and the typology of discoursive legitimation strategies, the research discovers that the movement made identityforming attempts directly after the mass mobilization and over the first anniversary of foundation rather than subjected the attempts to the legislative processes. The Gals’ identity constantly drew upon mostly authorization, rationalization, and remotely narrativization. Authorization dominated at the beginning, but then this strategy gave place to rationalization. Initially, the Gals focused on linking the movement to celebrities and human rights, and then consequently preserved the links to gain social support and appreciation. Rationalization armed activists with arguments against the current political situation and the planned legislation. Moralization did not enter the discourse, which reveals the absence of aspirations to build an enduring movement.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 264-283
Author(s):  
Rahmawati Rahmawati

This paper examines the system of Islamic government according to al-Mawardi and its application in Indonesia. The first study focused on the early history of government in the history of Islamic politics since the Prophet built the State of Medina until it developed until the Abbasid dynasty. Al-Mawardi, who lived in the Middle Ages when the political situation at that time was very unstable and led to the decline of the Abbasid dynasty, gave birth to a concept of a government system based on the political reality of his day. Imam al-Mawardi's political thinking was then poured in the work of al-Ahkam al-Sulthaniyyah and became a basic concept for the development of political thought and its application in the modern era including in Indonesia. In Indonesia, the application of al-Mawardi's theory of social contracts explains the relationship between ahl al-halli wal aqdi and ahl Imamah. This concept was then embodied and developed in the system of governance in Indonesia into 3 boards, namely: legislative institutions, executive institutions, and judicial institutions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.


Author(s):  
Beatrice Marovich

Few of Giorgio Agamben’s works are as mysterious as his unpublished dissertation, reportedly on the political thought of the French philosopher Simone Weil. If Weil was an early subject of Agamben’s intellectual curiosity, it would appear – judging from his published works – that her influence upon him has been neither central nor lasting.1 Leland de la Durantaye argues that Weil’s work has left a mark on Agamben’s philosophy of potentiality, largely in his discussion of the concept of decreation; but de la Durantaye does not make much of Weil’s influence here, determining that her theory of decreation is ‘essentially dialectical’ and still too bound up with creation theology. 2 Alessia Ricciardi, however, argues that de la Durantaye’s dismissal of Weil’s influence is hasty.3 Ricciardi analyses deeper resonances between Weil’s and Agamben’s philosophies, ultimately claiming that Agamben ‘seems to extend many of the implications and claims of Weil’s idea of force’,4 arguably spreading Weil’s influence into Agamben’s reflections on sovereign power and bare life.


2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 327-334
Author(s):  
Inga V. Zheltikova ◽  
Elena I. Khokhlova

The article considers the dependence of the images of future on the socio-cultural context of their formation. Comparison of the images of the future found in A.I. Solzhenitsyn’s works of various years reveals his generally pessimistic attitude to the future in the situation of social stability and moderate optimism in times of society destabilization. At the same time, the author's images of the future both in the seventies and the nineties of the last century demonstrate the mismatch of social expectations and reality that was generally typical for the images of the future. According to the authors of the present article, Solzhenitsyn’s ideas that the revival of spirituality could serve as the basis for the development of economy, that the influence of the Church on the process of socio-economic development would grow, and that the political situation strongly depends on the personal qualities of the leader, are unjustified. Nevertheless, such ideas are still present in many images of the future of Russia, including contemporary ones.


1991 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 46-68
Author(s):  
H.D. Forbes

Author(s):  
Мохаммад Исаак Шафак

Аннотация: В данной статье автор исследовал феномен победы действующего президента Мохаммада Аршаф Гани, выигравшего во второй раз президентские выборы у своих оппонентов, его персональные качества в отличие от его оппонентов, проигравших выборы на пример Абдуллы Абдуллы. Названы глубинные причины возникновения политического кризиса, как недоговороспособность политических элит Афганистана, разрозненных личными и местечковыми интересами своих кланов. Сделан анализ, почему годами оставаясь у власти, оппоненты Ашрафа Гани, не использовали свои властные полномочия не улучшили политическую ситуацию Афганистана. Автором приведены аналитические выводы их отрицательного влияния на развитие политических процессов, это связано большей частью для сохранения собственных корыстных интересов и благ. Автор на примере анализа деятельности президента и его оппонентов на выборах, выразил собственное экспертную оценку вокруг сложившийся политической ситуации вновь избранного действующего президента Ашрафа Гани Ахмадзая, как политической персоны, выделив его слабые и сильные стороны и оппонентов. Ключевые слова: феномен победы, политический кризис, выборы. Аннотация: Автордун бул илимий макаласында, Мохаммад Ашраф Ганидин экинчи мөөнөткө 2019 -жылы 28-сентябрда болуп өткөн президенттик шайлоодо атаандаштарын утушу, Абдулла Абдулла жана да башка оппонентеринин президенттик шайлоодогу жеке сапаттарын изилдеген. Ооган саясий элитасынын ар түрдүү жеке жана ичи тардык, кызгануу сыяктуу эле кызыкчылыктарын, саясий башаламандык кыймылы жөнүндө жана ошол себептер менен саясий кризис курчуунун негизги себептерин атады. Алардын (эски элитанын) бийликте калуу максатында кыймылдарынын терс таасири тууралуу аналитикалык корутунду көрсөттү, бул инсандар негизинен өздөрүнүн жеке керт башынын кызыкчылыктары менен пайдасын сактоо менен байланыштуу, шайлоодо президенттин иш-аракеттери жана оппоненттери боюнча сереп-талдоо жазылган. Ооганстандагы саясый кырдаал жакшырган жок, саясий жараяндар таатал боюнча калууда, Ашраф Гани менен оппоненттеринин күчтүү жактарын жана кемчиликтери касиеттери жөнүндө, учурдагы Ооганстанда саясий кырдаал тууралуу өзүнүн серебин билдирди. Түйүндүү сөздөр: жеңүүнүн феномени, саясий кризис, шайлоо Annotation: In this article, the author explored the phenomenon of victory of incumbent President Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, who won the second time the presidential election against his opponents, his personal qualities, unlike his opponents, who lost theelection by the example of Abdullah Abdullah. The underlying causes of the political crisis are identified as the lack of maturity of the political elites of Afghanistan, fragmented by the personal and local interests of their clans. An analysis is made of why staying in power for years, opponents of Ashraf Ghani, did not use their power, did not improve the political situation in Afghanistan, the author gives analytical conclusions of their negative impact on the development of political processes, this is mainly due to preserving their own selfish interests and benefits. The author, using an example of analysis of the activities of the president and his opponents in the elections, expressed his own expert assessment around the current political situation of the newly elected incumbent president Ashraf Gani Ahmadzai as a political person, highlighting his weaknesses and strengths and opponents. Keywords: the phenomenon of victory, political crisis, elections.


Author(s):  
Aleksey Bredikhin ◽  
Andrei Udaltsov

In the article the authors analyze the essence of propaganda as a means of implementing ideological function of the state. It is noted that propaganda is a mechanism of spreading information persuasive influence in the interpretation and estimation of state power representatives. The structure of propaganda is determined: beneficiary of propaganda, subjects of propaganda, content of propaganda, channels of realization of propaganda, addressee of propaganda, feedback system. Types of propaganda are distinguished: political, axiological, educational, preventive. The authors come to the conclusion that the basic directions and the propaganda content are established in normative acts and the programs and organizational actions accepted according to them. Along with the implementation of propaganda, the ideological function is implemented by prohibiting or restricting propaganda or other dissemination of information that endangers the foundations of the constitutional order and is otherwise aimed at destabilizing the political situation in the State, as well as prohibiting the propaganda of ideas that may harm the foundations of morality and morality. The mass media are essential in carrying out propaganda. The State widely uses this resource on an equal footing with other actors to disseminate ideas of public importance and uses the services of various communication agencies. However, the state forms a legal framework for the mass media, their rights and limitations, which still determines the special position of the state in this process.


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