scholarly journals Discoursive Self-Legitimation of Gals for Gals as the Movement’s Collective Identity-Forming Factor

2018 ◽  
pp. 121-150
Author(s):  
Joanna Rak

The article delves analytically into the political thought of the Polish pro-choice movement Gals for Gals which arose to oppose to the submitted draft act which was to have imposed a total ban on abortion and acted in 2016-2018. It aims to determine how Gals for Gals explained and justified their occurrence and political activity, how the strategies of this discoursive self-legitimation changed over time, and to what extent the collective identity-forming process depended on the external incentives understood as the stages of two legislative processes. In employing the written sources analysis, relational content analysis, and the typology of discoursive legitimation strategies, the research discovers that the movement made identityforming attempts directly after the mass mobilization and over the first anniversary of foundation rather than subjected the attempts to the legislative processes. The Gals’ identity constantly drew upon mostly authorization, rationalization, and remotely narrativization. Authorization dominated at the beginning, but then this strategy gave place to rationalization. Initially, the Gals focused on linking the movement to celebrities and human rights, and then consequently preserved the links to gain social support and appreciation. Rationalization armed activists with arguments against the current political situation and the planned legislation. Moralization did not enter the discourse, which reveals the absence of aspirations to build an enduring movement.

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2 (22)) ◽  
pp. 106-118
Author(s):  
Gabriella Macciocca

The history of the language represents a moment of deep knowledge in the development of the political thought of the Nation. With regard to the Italian language, we must recognize observations and summaries of linguistic history produced ever since the origins of the language itself. A short number of examples, coming from the history of the Italian language, and from the history of Italian literature, will be considered. We will consider in which way the language has been taught over time and the University statement.


2011 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 678-710 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Morrison

The long-standing understanding of the British 1832 Reform Act as an elite response to a revolutionary threat has been given renewed prominence in recent work on the political economy of democratization. But earlier episodes of popular revolt in Britain led to elite unity rather than elite concessions. This article argues that the absence of effective elite closure against parliamentary reform in the early 1830s was the result of an extended process of state reform that had the effect of gradually reducing the capacity of the monarchy. This deprived the crown of patronage required for the construction of an antireform coalition, while also mollifying the reformers' fears that mass mobilization would invite repression and with it the recalibration of the constitution in favor of the monarchy. Therefore, while pressure from below was indeed critical to the passage of parliamentary reform, its contribution was mediated by institutional changes that, over time, weakened the sources of resistance to change and rendered reformist elites more amenable to the necessary reliance on the threat of force. This case study thus establishes that change at critical junctures can be subject to the influence of incremental institutional change occurring in relatively settled periods.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-91
Author(s):  
David Haddorff

This article brings into dialogue Karl Barth and the political philosopher Chantal Mouffe. The purpose here is not to provide a detailed comparison, but to explore why Mouffe’s thought is relevant to the current political situation, which providesthe contemporary context for engaging Barth’s political theology. This argument involves: 1) a political analysis of the current political situation offered by Mouffe; 2) a particular interpretation of Barth’s political theology emerging from a trinitarian theological framework; 3) a comparison between the political thought of Mouffe and Barth emerging from Barth’s trinitarian political theology. This engagement is less concerned with critiquing Mouffe from a theological viewpoint, than positively demonstrating how Mouffe’s thought can be seen as a “secular parable” for a political theology in which trinitarian theology provides a framework. Central to this political theology are the ideas of equality, freedom, participation, and promise, which provide a theo-political framework for a radical democracy.


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 133-147
Author(s):  
Tomasz Matlęgiewicz

The author presents the manner of understanding the notion of a ’nation’ in Polish intellectual space at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The specific, historical and political situation of Poland brought forth an untypical answer to the question, ”What does it mean to be Polish?”. Such an answer is exemplified by the political thought of Stanisław Staszic. The author subjects particular writings of Staszic to scrutiny, demonstrating both the evolution of his thinking and the foundations upon which his interpretation of the concept of a ’nation’ was based.


Author(s):  
Nicolás Pérez-Serrano Jáuregui

Este trabajo tiene por objeto analizar el papel que jugó la Revista de Derecho Político que se publicó en España entre 1932 y 1936 en el desarrollo del derecho constitucional y del pensamiento político en este país; para ello se revisa el origen de la revista, sus contenidos y el contexto en el que se publicó así como los efectos que produjo en el mismo.This paper focuses on the role of the Revista de Derecho Público, published in Spain between 1932 and 1936, in the field of Constitutional Law and of the Political Thought in this country; it analyses the origin of the review, its contents and the academic and political situation in which it was published.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Jędrzej Paszkiewicz

The aim of the article is to show the forms and content of public and political activity of the Slavic elites in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the time of Habsburg rule (1878–1914). The research into the press releases and academic publications allows to show the most prominent circles and individuals who aspired to be the representatives of the people, defined in accordance with ethnic and religious divisions. These groups are characterised via an analysis of the correlation between the socio-political circumstances in Bosnia and the external influences (such as ideologies, personal and organisation relations, the impact of the state authorities). The political stances among the most prominent circles are portrayed in the context of the legal and institutional solutions regarding Bosnia, as well as the ethnic and religious policy of the Habsburg administration.


Author(s):  
Maria Alekseevna Tanina ◽  
Igor Alekseevich Yurasov ◽  
Vera Alexandrovna Yudina ◽  
Olga Alexandrovna Zyablikova

Digital protest in Russian provincial cities is funda-mentally different from such protest activity of met-ropolitan cities. The typical forms of digital political protest activity in metropolitan cities is oppositional political activity, while in the provincial cities the most popular topics on social networks are: solving hobbies-related issues, environmental issues, local socio-economic problems, such as the problems of defrauded equity holders etc. Despite the apparent interest in the elections, opposition parties and movements, residents of the Russian provincial cit-ies do not trust the major popular leaders of the political opposition in large cities and metropolitan areas. This testifies to the split of Russia into a country of metropolitan cities and a country of pro-vincial ones, different value systems of provincial and capital Russia, which may negatively affect the development of the political situation in the future.


2020 ◽  
pp. 95-106
Author(s):  
Joanna Rak

The study examines the political thought of the pro-choice Dziewuchy Dziewuchom (Gals for Gals) movement, which was active in Poland in 2016–2018. The main goal of the analysis was to determine how the sense that one’s needs were satisfied was changing during the political activity of the Gals and to what extent these changes depended on the external stimuli provided by Polish Parliament working on two bills to tighten the anti-abortion law. The research issues were resolved using qualitative source analysis, relational content analysis and the dyad of the theoretical categories of relative deprivation (RD) and gratification (RG). The study shows that the Gals for Gals movement created an internally coherent picture of their situation. However, relative deprivation and gratification were manifested only immediately after the movement was established and on its first anniversary. The manifestations did not depend on external stimuli provided by the successive stages of the legislative processes. The manifestations of deprivation served the purpose of discursive self-legitimation of the movement, and of gratification expressed organizational success. These types of attitudes emerged during the second stage, that is after the rejection of the first bill at the second reading, when the Gals discursively self-relegitimated the movement and expressed a sense of organizational success and satisfaction of the need for social recognition. This means that the Gals were not satisfied with achieving the goals of the movement, and the efforts to neutralize relative deprivation did not motivate their political activity.


1998 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Pajakowski

The most important historical works of today are those that take the past of a single nation and state as their subject, for the nation and the state are the highest natural, independently developing organism that humanity has yet achieved.Like most nineteenth-century historians, Michal Bobrzyński directed his research to the study of his nation's past and especially to the development of political institutions. History, for him, served to enhance a sense of nationhood among his readers by deriving lessons from the experience of the national community and providing a basis for present political activity. As a politically engaged historian, Bobrzyński faced serious issues of the need to reorient Polish national identity and to refashion the historical imagination to meet the needs of his people in the face of the political situation in the last three decades of the nineteenth century.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahmat Hidayatullah

This article examines the role of music as a repertoire of contention and as a framing device used to challenge the political legitimacy of the rulers and strengthen the collective identity of the participants in  “Aksi Bela Islam” (ABI), a demonstration held in Jakarta at the end of 2016. Rizieq Shihab, one of the key actors of ABI, wrote two songs known as “Si Ahok Durjana” and “Mars Aksi Bela Islam”. This paper argues that the success of mass mobilization during ABI cannot be separated from the creative use of media and popular culture—including music. The key actors of ABI used music and popular media as framing devices to communicate cognitive meanings, mobilize potential adherents, delegitimize authorities, instill emotional feelings and awaken the collective identity of Muslims. This paper applies social movement theory that emphasizes the significance and role of cultural factors in the dynamics of social movements.


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