scholarly journals What Drives People to Complain about Environmental Issues? An Analysis Based on Panel Data Crossing Provinces of China

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 1147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jingjing Zeng ◽  
Meng Yuan ◽  
Richard Feiock

Strengthening public participation has often proven essential for achieving environmental sustainability goals. The “Xinfang”system, through complaint visits and letters, offers institutional channels through which the public’s grievances can be addressed, and where court judgments can be challenged by filing complaints about environmental problems to Environmental Protection Bureaus. Operating under the monopoly of the state Party, the “Xinfang” system provides the political opportunity for pro-environmental values and interests to be voiced and heard by governments. Importantly, comprehending the evolution of public complaints over a prolonged period of time sheds light on various determinants of this public participation program. This paper seeks to better understand environmental degradation caused by unbridled economic growth in China and the efforts that civic environmentalism has made to reduce the problem. More specifically, it uses panel data on 31 Chinese provincial/first level administrative units, collected over a decade, from 2003 to 2015, to analyze how socioeconomic status in the general public and the political and policy structures have shaped civic environmentalism. We use two Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) models to explore how these actors have propelled the public to protect their environment from discharged industrial wastewater, industrial waste gas, and solid wastes.

2004 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
JANET NEWMAN ◽  
MARIAN BARNES ◽  
HELEN SULLIVAN ◽  
ANDREW KNOPS

This paper draws on the findings of a study within the ESRC's Democracy and Participation Programme. It explores the processes of participation within deliberative forums – such as user panels, youth forums, area based committees – developed as a means of encouraging a more active, participating mode of citizenship and of improving welfare services by making them more responsive to users. Our findings open up a number of issues about constraints on the development of ‘collaborative governance’. To understand these constraints, we suggest, there is need to locate participation initiatives in the context of government policy, to explore ways in which such policy is interpreted and enacted by strategic actors in local organisations and to examine the perceptions of members of deliberative forums themselves. Our findings highlight the constraints on the ‘political opportunity structures’ created by the enhanced policy focus on public participation, and the consequent limits to ‘collaborative governance’. We discuss how governance theory and social movement theory can each contribute to the analysis, but also suggest productive points of engagement through which each of these bodies of theory might enrich the other.


2010 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-80
Author(s):  
Syaifudin Zuhri

This article attempts to historically analyse the emergence of transnational jihadist movements in Indonesia, focusing on Jamaah Islamiyyah (JI), which is allegedly responsible for a number of terror attacks in South East Asia.  The article discusses the historical background of the emergence of Jamaah  Islamiyyah and its current development. It is argued that the Afghan battle-field was an important event and locus for Indonesian jihadits groups to exercise their military capabilities, establish secure bases and subsequently pave the emergence of the transnational jihadist. Through informal networks and joint operations, Jamaah Islamiyyah has become the hub for jihadist movements  in Southeast Asia. It was the political opportunity of the reformation which gave way to the public appearance of Jamaah Islamiyyah as the MMI demonstrated, but it also brought the consequence of a split among JI activists.  The split reappears when the MMI was becoming involved in politics, and the resignation of Ba’asyir from the top position of the MMI in 2008 exemplifies  the turning point to the ideological foundation of JI as the Pedoman Umum Perjuangan Jamaah Islamiyyah (PUPJI) prescribed.


Author(s):  
Xi Lin ◽  
Yongle Zhao ◽  
Mahmood Ahmad ◽  
Zahoor Ahmed ◽  
Husam Rjoub ◽  
...  

To study the economic and environmental effects of human capital, previous studies measure human capital based on education; however, this approach has many shortcomings because not all educated people are innovative human capital. Hence, this study introduces the concept of innovative human capital by developing a new index that measures human capital based on the number of patents every one million R&D staff full-time equivalent. After this, this paper studies the impact of innovative human capital on CO2 emissions in China. The provincial panel data of 30 Chinese provinces from 2003 to 2017 is analyzed using the fixed effect, ordinary least squares, and the system generalized method of moments (SYS-GMM). The analysis revealed that innovative human capital alleviates environmental deterioration in China. The findings unfold the existence of the environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) considering innovative human capital in the model. It implies that Chinese economic development will eventually support environmental sustainability if China continues to develop its innovative human capital. Among the control variables, economic structure, population density, and energy intensity stimulate environmental degradation by increasing CO2 emissions. However, FDI has a negative relationship with CO2 emissions. Lastly, the study proposes comprehensive policies to increase innovative human capital for environmental sustainability.


2020 ◽  
pp. 81-98
Author(s):  
Marc Dixon

This chapter traces the development of the first statewide public-sector collective bargaining legislation in Wisconsin in 1959 and the campaign waged by municipal employees there. The case for public-sector rights lacked the fanfare of the campaigns in Indiana and Ohio, though it was clearly shaped by the political winds surrounding these efforts. Well before the upsurge of civil rights–inspired public-sector organizing in the 1960s and 1970s, bargaining rights in Wisconsin were rooted in the 1950s fights over labor rights. The success of the public-sector union campaign in Wisconsin is mostly a story of political opportunity. It was after more than a decade of public-sector advocates organizing and introducing bills in the legislature, and after the overreach of business activists on right-to-work in the region, that dissension within the Republican Party and between party leaders and business circles provided the opening that activists needed.


1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 333-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
G Myers ◽  
P Macnaghten

Although a rhetoric of sustainability is now widely used by government, nongovernmental organisations, and business in addressing the public, there is no evidence of a broad shift of behaviour in response to it. Yet most sustainability programmes at international, national, and local levels require broad public participation if they are to reach their goals. We argue that organisational communication with the public is central to defining the form of participation that is expected, and that rhetorical analysis can show relationships that are implicit in these attempts to persuade. We analyse leaflets from a range of organisations to identify some of the elements that are common between them, both in their explicit content and their implied models of participation. Then we analyse the responses in focus groups to these common appeals. Our findings show that the generalised appeals and the rhetoric of crisis tend to distance policy organisations from the immediacy and dailiness of the public's own experiences of and talk about the environment. Because of this distance, the rhetoric does little to encourage participation and practical action.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Matt Sheedy

The Occupy movement was an unprecedented social formation that spread to approximate 82 countries around the globe in the fall of 2011 via social media through the use of myths, symbols and rituals that were performed in public space and quickly drew widespread mainstream attention. In this paper I argue that the movement offers a unique instance of how discourse functions in the construction of society and I show how the shared discourses of Occupy were taken-up and shaped in relation to the political opportunity structures and interests of those involved based on my own fieldwork at Occupy Winnipeg. I also argue that the Occupy movement provides an example of how we might substantively attempt to classify “religion” by looking at how it embodied certain metaphysical claims while contrasting it with the beliefs and practices of more conventionally defined “religious” communities.


Citizens are political simpletons—that is only a modest exaggeration of a common characterization of voters. Certainly, there is no shortage of evidence of citizens' limited political knowledge, even about matters of the highest importance, along with inconsistencies in their thinking, some glaring by any standard. But this picture of citizens all too often approaches caricature. This book brings together leading political scientists who offer new insights into the political thinking of the public, the causes of party polarization, the motivations for political participation, and the paradoxical relationship between turnout and democratic representation. These studies propel a foundational argument about democracy. Voters can only do as well as the alternatives on offer. These alternatives are constrained by third players, in particular activists, interest groups, and financial contributors. The result: voters often appear to be shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent because the alternatives they must choose between are shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (7) ◽  
pp. 1522-1533
Author(s):  
A.V. Larionov

Subject. This article deals with the issue of improving the public investment allocative efficiency. Objectives. The article aims to develop an approach to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of public investment in the economy. Methods. The study is based on a panel data regression with random effects. Conclusions and Relevance. All sectors of the economy have different demand for investment resources attracted, determined by operational and technological aspects. The results of the study can be used to develop an effective system of public investment.


GIS Business ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-47
Author(s):  
Vibha Tripathi

The study tries to investigate the key determinants of capital structure of leading automobile companies and the Automobile Industry in India. The study also tracks the theory implications, i.e. trade off vs. pecking order in these firms and the industry in general. An attempt is to see, if individually each sample company and the whole industry are influenced by the same determinants of capital structure. Pooled ordinary least squares and panel data econometric techniques such as fixed effect models are used to investigate the most significant determinants that affect the capital structure choice of 10 leading companies categorized as BSE Auto Top 100 and the Automobile Industry as a whole for a period of 14 years from 2000–2001 to 2013–2014. The study reveals some interesting facts and results. Multiple regression analysis reveals that while profitability and size are significant determinants in most of the leading companies; NDTS, Growth, and Debt service coverage ratio are not significant for these companies. While the Panel data results of the Automobile Industry as a whole reveals that profitability is the only significant determinant having negative relationship with debt equity ratio; and the other variables are insignificant. Also individual companies coefficient results shows implications of mix of pecking order and trade off theories while the panel data results of the whole Industry strongly supports the Pecking order theory.


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