scholarly journals Transnationalising Jamaah Islamiyyah

2010 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-80
Author(s):  
Syaifudin Zuhri
Keyword(s):  
Turning Point ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
The Political ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Current Development ◽  
Informal Networks ◽  
The Public ◽  
Terror Attacks ◽  
The Reformation

This article attempts to historically analyse the emergence of transnational jihadist movements in Indonesia, focusing on Jamaah Islamiyyah (JI), which is allegedly responsible for a number of terror attacks in South East Asia.  The article discusses the historical background of the emergence of Jamaah  Islamiyyah and its current development. It is argued that the Afghan battle-field was an important event and locus for Indonesian jihadits groups to exercise their military capabilities, establish secure bases and subsequently pave the emergence of the transnational jihadist. Through informal networks and joint operations, Jamaah Islamiyyah has become the hub for jihadist movements  in Southeast Asia. It was the political opportunity of the reformation which gave way to the public appearance of Jamaah Islamiyyah as the MMI demonstrated, but it also brought the consequence of a split among JI activists.  The split reappears when the MMI was becoming involved in politics, and the resignation of Ba’asyir from the top position of the MMI in 2008 exemplifies  the turning point to the ideological foundation of JI as the Pedoman Umum Perjuangan Jamaah Islamiyyah (PUPJI) prescribed.

scholarly journals British Intellectuals and the British Government: Junius vs Grafton Administration (1768–1770)

2021 ◽  
pp. 50-59
Author(s):  
Т.С. Сидоркина
Keyword(s):  
Figurative Language ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
American Colonies ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Political Adversary

В статье рассматривается процесс развертывания борьбы известного анонимного публициста Юниуса с администрацией герцога Графтона с ноября 1768 года по январь 1770. Издатель журнала “The Public Advertiser”, в котором печатались письма Юниуса, в 1772 году опубликовал их и ответы некоторых оппонентов анонимного автора в сборнике “Stat Nominis Umbra”, оставив широкое поле для исследований будущим поколениям историков. «Письма Юниуса» до сих пор не переведены на русский язык. Это объясняется, с одной стороны, трудностями интерпретации иносказательности текста, с другой — сложностью исторического контекста, связанного с ситуацией политического кризиса в Британии на рубеже 60–70-х годов XVIII века. В статье на основании текста писем Юниуса реконструирован персональный состав кабинета герцога Графтона, обстоятельства прихода его к власти, а также показана слабость правительства в решении двух принципиально важных вопросов этого периода — дело Уилкса и кризис в английских североамериканских колониях. Кульминацией карьеры Юниуса является письмо XXXV, в котором анонимный автор посмел обратиться к самому Георгу III и попытаться навязать ему свои советы. После этого в январе 1770 года герцог Графтон подает в отставку, оставив тем самым в победителях своего главного политического соперника. The article focuses on the confrontation between an anonymous publicist known to the general public as Junius and the Duke of Grafton, the prime minister of the United Kingdom. The confrontation started in November 1768 and finished in 1770. The anonymous writer Junius contributed his public letters to the Public Advertiser, a London newspaper which later, in 1772, published the letters and some answers of Junius’ opponents in the Letters of Junius: Stat Nominis Umbra. The book, which contains valuable historical information, remains untranslated into Russian. Its allegorical and figurative language makes the book highly difficult to translate. Moreover, it is exceptionally difficult to render in translation the intricacies of the historical background, namely of the political crisis Britain was involved in at the turn of the 1760s–1770s. The article analyzes the letters of Junius to reconstruct the cabinet composition and the circumstances of the Duke of Grafton’s rise to power. The analysis shows that the Grafton ministry failed to solve two crucial problems of the time, namely the Wilkes case and the crisis in Britain’s North American colonies. The turning point in Junius’ career was his letter XXXV, in which he addressed the prime minister himself and sought to impose his advice on the 3rdDuke of Grafton. After that in January 1770, the Duke of Grafton resigned from his post recognizing defeat from his major political adversary.

The Swiss and their Neighbours, 1460-1560

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Scott
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Buffer Zone ◽  
The Political ◽  
Territorial Expansion ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Political Principle ◽  
Mutual Obligation ◽  
The Common ◽  
Common Identity

Renewed interest in Swiss history has sought to overcome the old stereotypes of peasant liberty and republican exceptionalism. The heroic age of the Confederation in the fifteenth century is now seen as a turning point as the Swiss polity achieved a measure of institutional consolidation and stability, and began to mark out clear frontiers. This book questions both assumptions. It argues that the administration of the common lordships by the cantons collectively gave rise to as much discord as cooperation, and remained a pragmatic device not a political principle. It argues that the Swiss War of 1499 was an avoidable catastrophe, from which developed a modus vivendi between the Swiss and the Empire as the Rhine became a buffer zone, not a boundary. It then investigates the background to Bern’s conquest of the Vaud in 1536, under the guise of relieving Geneva from beleaguerment, to suggest that Bern’s actions were driven not by predeterminate territorial expansion but by the need to halt French designs upon Geneva and Savoy. The geopolitical balance of the Confederation was fundamentally altered by Bern’s acquisition of the Vaud and adjacent lands. Nevertheless, the political fabric of the Confederation, which had been tested to the brink during the Reformation, proved itself flexible enough to absorb such a major reorientation, not least because what held the Confederation together was not so much institutions as a sense of common identity and mutual obligation forged during the Burgundian Wars of the 1470s.

Kultūrvēstures aspekti Jāņa Čakstes vācu valodā sarakstītajā apcerējumā „Die Letten und Ihre Latwija” (1917), tā tulkošanas un izdevumu vēsture latviski („Latvieši un viņu Latvija”, 1989/1990–2019)

2021 ◽  
pp. 155-162
Author(s):  
Ivars Orehovs
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Aspects ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Public ◽  
30Th Anniversary ◽  
History Of Writing ◽  
History Of

On May 4, 2020, the 30th anniversary of the restoration of Latvia’s national independence was celebrated, and the 160th anniversary since the birth of the first President of Latvia, Jānis Čakste (1859–1927), was remembered on September 14, 2019. In 1917, even before the establishment of the Latvian state, Čakste published a longer essay in German, entitled „The Latvians and Their Latvia” (Die Letten und ihre Latwija), in which both the ethnic and geopolitical history of the Baltics was presented to communicate the public opinion and strivings of that time internationally. The essay also reflected economic relations in the predominantly Latvian-inhabited territory, demonstrating the political convictions and the culture-historical background of the era. The article aims to characterise the history of writing and publishing the essay in German, and its translation into Latvian (1989/90), and the translation’s editions (1999, 2009, 2014, 2019). Part of the article is devoted to analysing the culture-historical aspects, which in the authorial narrative have been expressed in the interethnic environment of the territory and the era.

scholarly journals Reclaiming Radicalism: Discursive Wars and the Left

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 212-230
Author(s):  
Giorgos Charalambous
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
The Political ◽  
Progressive Politics ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Political Actions ◽  
Radical Left

The aim of this article is to identify and discuss a number of labels that have been increasingly used to describe, categorise and study the contemporary radical left – the movements and parties of the socialist tradition and its contemporary derivatives – pointing to the deeply political implications of these trends. More specifically, ‘extremism’, ‘populism’ and ‘nationalism’ as signifiers of what left radicalism looks like are scrutinised in terms of both the political logic and the historical background behind their use, and the challenges they raise for emancipatory, progressive politics. A plea for recasting contemporary social and political struggles for equality and rights is subsequently articulated, the central conviction advanced being terminological: the left’s struggles today must rise above the verbal smoke of the predominant discourse about this political space. It is a key task to appropriately qualify those terms that taint contemporary radicals with colours which do not represent them or fall far short from defining them. Put simply, if the radical left is to succeed electorally and channel its vision into society effectively it needs to reclaim its chief identity trait in the public sphere: left radicalism itself. Reclaiming radicalism entails a number of strategic tasks. These are laid out in terms of imperative discursive articulations, which are, however, paralleled by particular political actions on the ground that can either confirm or undermine any terminological claims.

Religion and Enlightenment

2019 ◽  
pp. 47-64
Author(s):  
Richard Whatmore
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Public Good ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The City

This chapter explains why a group of republicans calling themselves democrats sought sanctuary in Ireland. It revisits the crisis at Geneva, which came to a head in 1782. Many were shocked at events within the city, because, as John Calvin's adopted home and a centre of enlightened learning, civil war was not supposed to break out. Yet between the 1750s and the 1780s republicans at Geneva began to be branded as democrats, certain citizens were labelled anarchists, and the magistrates were increasingly attacked as tyrants, running the state with their own interests to the fore, rather than the public good. This was certainly a new departure. During the political crises of the first decade of the century, and during those of the 1730s, political abuse had been commonplace, with accusations of treachery and corruption abounding. The extremist language that developed, clearly in evidence by the mid-1760s, was a return to the kinds of polarity that marked the era of the Reformation.

scholarly journals The Theories of Transnational Terrorism, Relative Deprivation and Fundamentalism in Terrorism Act: The Case Study in Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 127-134
Author(s):  
Yaza Azzahara Ulyana
Keyword(s):  
Research Method ◽  
Relative Deprivation ◽  
Resource Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Transnational Terrorism ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The Government

This research aims to describe the concept of transnational terrorism, relative deprivation and fundamentalism in various terrorism acts that occurred in Indonesia. The research method is qualitative and the type of research is explanatory that explain the cause of terrorism acts that influence by the global actors, fundamentalist that reject the changes and also satisfy the expectation in many aspects in the country from economics to the politics. The results of this research indicate that most of the terrorism cases in Indonesia has various motives starting from their mission in bringing the country led by a caliphate to enforcing the regulations of the country based on the Islamic teachings. Viewed from the perspective of social movements, framing, and resource mobilization strategies seen in the rejection‟s movements of the Transnational Islamic Organization. In addition, the political opportunity structure in the reformation era makes the system and political structure existed became more open. It has provided an opportunity for Transnational Islamic Organization to conduct its movement in criticizing the government.

The Insider Route in Wisconsin

2020 ◽  
pp. 81-98
Author(s):  
Marc Dixon
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Labor Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Municipal Employees ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

This chapter traces the development of the first statewide public-sector collective bargaining legislation in Wisconsin in 1959 and the campaign waged by municipal employees there. The case for public-sector rights lacked the fanfare of the campaigns in Indiana and Ohio, though it was clearly shaped by the political winds surrounding these efforts. Well before the upsurge of civil rights–inspired public-sector organizing in the 1960s and 1970s, bargaining rights in Wisconsin were rooted in the 1950s fights over labor rights. The success of the public-sector union campaign in Wisconsin is mostly a story of political opportunity. It was after more than a decade of public-sector advocates organizing and introducing bills in the legislature, and after the overreach of business activists on right-to-work in the region, that dissension within the Republican Party and between party leaders and business circles provided the opening that activists needed.

scholarly journals What Drives People to Complain about Environmental Issues? An Analysis Based on Panel Data Crossing Provinces of China

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 1147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jingjing Zeng ◽  
Meng Yuan ◽  
Richard Feiock
Keyword(s):  
Panel Data ◽  
Public Participation ◽  
Environmental Sustainability ◽  
Ordinary Least Squares ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Waste Gas ◽  
Administrative Units ◽  
Civic Environmentalism

Strengthening public participation has often proven essential for achieving environmental sustainability goals. The “Xinfang”system, through complaint visits and letters, offers institutional channels through which the public’s grievances can be addressed, and where court judgments can be challenged by filing complaints about environmental problems to Environmental Protection Bureaus. Operating under the monopoly of the state Party, the “Xinfang” system provides the political opportunity for pro-environmental values and interests to be voiced and heard by governments. Importantly, comprehending the evolution of public complaints over a prolonged period of time sheds light on various determinants of this public participation program. This paper seeks to better understand environmental degradation caused by unbridled economic growth in China and the efforts that civic environmentalism has made to reduce the problem. More specifically, it uses panel data on 31 Chinese provincial/first level administrative units, collected over a decade, from 2003 to 2015, to analyze how socioeconomic status in the general public and the political and policy structures have shaped civic environmentalism. We use two Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) models to explore how these actors have propelled the public to protect their environment from discharged industrial wastewater, industrial waste gas, and solid wastes.

scholarly journals PERILAKU PEMILIH MENJELANG PILKADA SERENTAK 2015 DI KOTA SEMARANG

2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Ari Pradhanawati ◽  
Naili Farida ◽  
Wahid Abdulrahman ◽  
Marten Hanura
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Research Use ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Real Change ◽  
The Village

Indonesian political dynamics over the last 16 years since the Reformation movement initiated, the building shows the fragility of the Indonesian political experience. This can be seen how the level of community participation in the General Election in the Reformation era tend to decline until today. Election deemed not produce leaders who provide real change. This is exacerbated by the political system characterized transactional fraud. The purpose of this study was to look at the political behavior of society and give provisions regarding political education to the public ahead of the elections simultaneously in Semarang, especially in the Village Meteseh and Mangunharjo on December 2015. In this research use several theories: theory of rational choice and the theory of political participation.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

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