Plurilingualism and Language Contact in Friuli Venezia Giulia: The State of the Research

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 165-199
Author(s):  
Fabiana Fusco

As a crossroads between Eastern and Western Europe, throughout its history Friuli Venezia Giulia has always been a strategic political and economic site and has had several rulers (German patriarchs, Venetians, etc.). Consequently, the language of the ruling classes usually differed from that of the common people. Friulian was mostly considered the language of the lower classes and restricted to non-official and familiar circumstances. This attitude still persists today towards Italian, the official language, and some people feel uncomfortable using Friulian on official and formal occasions. Friulian speakers can, however, be considered bilingual speakers of Italian and Friulian. In fact, the use of Friulian, also in official contexts has always been an outstanding cultural and social issue which has raised very strong feelings both in favour of and against it. This essay presents and discusses plurilingualism and language contact in Friuli Venezia Giulia and focuses on the relations among the Friulian language and the other historical minorities (such as the Slovene and the German idioms) and the ‘new’ minorities (the so-called immigrant languages). It also describes the important language contact phenomena between Friulian and Italian which constitute an interesting sociolinguistic reality since the two languages are not always in opposition. The aim is to present a sociolinguistic study which wants to be a useful tool for measuring and assessing the state of languages in the Friulian community. It can also provide crucial information to those who are concerned with linguistic policy and planning, by offering hints that will enable them to develop appropriate actions within this protected territory.

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-81
Author(s):  
Man Kumar Rai

   The objective of this article is to analyze the use of satire in three poems, from Rupesh  Shrestha’s volume of poems Ghintang Ghishi Twank in order to examine use of the suffering of voiceless people. The poems depict absurdities of the society and hypocrisy of the leaders which are the causes of poor people‟s pains. This poems exhibit how follies, vices and absurdities are hurdle in transforming society into prosperous one. The poet has berated them with the aim of bringing positive change in the society and in the lives of the common people. The poet mocks at the political changes which have brought change only in the lives of political leaders, not in the lives of the people who have been ignored by the state for long. Despite many anxieties, they enjoy dancing and playing sticks in their hands on the special occasion of Gaijatra. The poems are collection of sharp words which are used to butt the corrupt politicians. For this, the elements of Juvenalian satire have been used as tools for analysis of the selected poems. This study highlights upon the anxieties of marginalized people; demonstrates the shameful act of politicians; and exposes the absurdities prevailed in the society. It indicates that the political and social absurdities are subject to be poked in order to reform a society.


2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 85-100
Author(s):  
Ahmed Sohail ◽  
Ahmed Fasih ◽  
Zubair Muhammad

The respect of human rights in a society determines the destination of that society or state. It is the level of satisfaction of citizens of a country which convinces them to work for the growth and progress of that state or society. The people of FATA are living under a draconian law which is known as Frontier Crime Regulations (FCR). There is agrave human rights violation of the people of FATA under this law. Freedom of speech, freedom of expression etc. are hampered by the FCR and the common people live under a threat of collective punishment as well. Moreover, due to military operations against the militants in the area, millions of people from FATA have been displaced. At times, there are grave violations of human rights of the displaced persons as well. This paper will explore the state of human rights in FATA in general and evaluates its impact on the Federation of Pakistan. The paper evaluates different instances of human rights violation in various agencies of FATA and their root causes as well.


1982 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Fithian Stevens

In the struggle sustained from time immemorial by the people with the haciendas, I shall be on the side of the people, once I obtain power.— Porfirio Díaz, 1876Given the importance of rural unrest in the destabilizing of Porfirian Mexico, it seems at least ironic to find these words attributed to Díaz during his Tuxtepec revolt. And, given the attention paid to the repressive elements of the Díaz dictatorship, one might easily argue that Díaz never intended to fulfill that promise, vague though it may be. A number of works seem to blame Díaz personally for the land problem which lead to his overthrow. Others maintain that Díaz remained aloof and was isolated from the common people; but by far the greatest number of works employ such amorphous or monolithic concepts as the “State,” the “Díaz regime,” “porjirismo,” or simply “the government” and focus exclusively on evidence of repression in Porfirian Mexico. Repression has attracted attention in part because it has been important in explaining dissatisfaction which lead to the Revolution of 1910 and in part because violence attracted a great deal of attention from contemporaries. This interest provides historians with more accessible sources while evidence of a more conciliatory attitude has remained hidden in the collection of Porfirio Díaz's presidential papers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-31
Author(s):  
Gill Oluwatosin Adekannbi

The killing of Tiberius Gracchus along with hundreds of his supporters in factional violence has left an imprint of moral controversy. When perpetuated by the aggrieved or oppressed masses, violence is seen as an act of aggression or rebellion. However, it tends to be termed political expediency when initiated by the ruling power or its agency. Using interpretive approach, this paper sets aside justifying the murdering of Tiberius as removal of a potential tyrant who was causing public disturbance. The research, after highlighting how violence became imminent when other legitimate efforts at resolving political conflicts failed, shifts to the moral question arising from resorting to violence as the ultimate tool for achieving a political goal. Corrupt members of the Roman Senate and their supporters would share the view: ‘so perish also all others who do such things’. However, the paper notes the benefits of Tiberius’ agrarian reforms to the poor citizens and the potential benefits of the changes to the state. The conclusion is: the champion of the people had acted well enough but inconclusively to reach his goals. It remained for him and his supporters to stand against being outmaneuvered by the corrupt politicians. If violence had been used by Tiberius and his followers against the senate to succeed, the common people would have declared this as both morally justifiable and politically expedient. Hence, it is theorised that, when moral questions are unanswered in politics, violence looms and no one may have the monopoly of it.


Author(s):  
Jean-Luc Chappey

Was the French Revolution the victory of an all-conquering bourgeoisie that made up the foundation of the nineteenth-century France of the ‘notables’? How far did the older elites of the ancien régime succeed in taking part in the political, social and cultural reordering of the first decades of the new century? This chapter examines the significance of these questions in relation to the construction and legitimation of elite power after the fall of Robespierre. Exploring both political and intellectual developments, it reveals the dynamics which account for the major rupture between the dominance of a republican elite under the Directory, and the foundations of the power of the Empire’s so-called ‘Granite masses’. Study of the various components of elite domination involves not merely scrutiny of the role played by the state, but also of changing attitudes towards the common people, against whom the evolving position of the elite was constructed.


1995 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis Leal

The corrido is a popular narrative poem, sung accompanied by the guitar, by means of which the common people are informed about the deeds of popular heroes and other historical events. The Corrido de Joaquín Murrieta, whose origin we have traced back to a nineteenth-century corrido from the state of Zacatecas, in northern Mexico, is dedicated to a California gold rush hero who terrorized the mining camps soon after gold was discovered in 1848. An analysis of the form and contents of the most important versions of the Murrieta corrido is also presented.


Author(s):  
LUCIA MICHELUTTI

This chapter discusses the rise of caste politics and the dynamics of Indian popular politics in the 1990s, specifically in the state of Uttar Pradesh. It shows how the interrelation between vernacular socio-cultural idioms and structures have been vital to make ‘democracy’ a part of the Indian political imagination. These have also been used to give information about the political upsurge of the common people and the shaping of political cleavages based on caste or community.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (12) ◽  
pp. 322-328
Author(s):  
Seema Jangid

In the Sultanate period (1206–1526 AD), the prevalence of religious parochialism and state-controlled Islamic education began. The Muslims destroyed the ancient Indian centers of learning and established madrasas in their place, where subjects like tafsir, hadith, kalam, fiqh etc. were taught. Bismillah was often at home. Elementary education was given in Maktabs. The upper class families used to appoint teachers for their sons at home. The teaching system was administered by Sadr-us-Far and Ulema. The state used to provide waqf and stipend. Islamic education flourished under all the sultans. Provincial rulers also made good educational arrangements. Schools for Hindu education were toll and individual teachers. Due to social malpractices, there was no provision of separate education for women and women education for the common people. Upper-class families used to appoint teachers in their homes.   सल्तनतकाल (1206-1526 ई.) में मजहबी संकीर्णता से ग्रस्त एवं राज्य नियंत्रित इस्लामी शिक्षा का प्रचलन आरंभ हुआ। मुसलमानों ने प्राचीन भारतीय विद्या-केन्द्रों को नष्ट कर उनके स्थान पर मदरसों की स्थापना की, जहां तफसीर, हदीस, कलाम, फिक्ह आदि विषय पढाये जाते थे। बिस्मिल्लाह प्रायः घर पर ही होता था। मकतबों में प्रारम्भिक शिक्षा दी जाती थी। उच्चवर्गीय परिवार अपने पुत्रों के लिए घर पर ही शिक्षक नियुक्त कर देते थे। शिक्षण-प्रणाली सद्र-उस-सुदूर तथा उलेमाओं द्वारा संचालित की जाती थी। राज्य वक्फ एंव वजीफे प्रदान करता था। सभी सुल्तानों के अधीन इस्लामी शिक्षा अत्यंत फली-फूली। प्रांतीय शासको ने भी अच्छी शिक्षण व्यवस्था की। हिन्दू शिक्षा के लिए पाठशालाएं, टोल एंव व्यक्तिगत शिक्षक होते थे। सामाजिक कुरीतियों के कारण स्त्रियों के लिए पृथक पाठशालाओं एंव जन साधारण के लिए स्त्री-शिक्षा का प्रबंध न था। उच्चवर्गीय परिवार अपने घरों में ही शिक्षक नियुक्त कर देते थे।


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (8) ◽  
pp. 12
Author(s):  
Kunal Debnath

High culture is a collection of ideologies, beliefs, thoughts, trends, practices and works-- intellectual or creative-- that is intended for refined, cultured and educated elite people. Low culture is the culture of the common people and the mass. Popular culture is something that is always, most importantly, related to everyday average people and their experiences of the world; it is urban, changing and consumeristic in nature. Folk culture is the culture of preindustrial (premarket, precommodity) communities.


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