"El Corrido de Joaquín Murrieta": Origen y difusión

1995 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis Leal

The corrido is a popular narrative poem, sung accompanied by the guitar, by means of which the common people are informed about the deeds of popular heroes and other historical events. The Corrido de Joaquín Murrieta, whose origin we have traced back to a nineteenth-century corrido from the state of Zacatecas, in northern Mexico, is dedicated to a California gold rush hero who terrorized the mining camps soon after gold was discovered in 1848. An analysis of the form and contents of the most important versions of the Murrieta corrido is also presented.

Author(s):  
Jean-Luc Chappey

Was the French Revolution the victory of an all-conquering bourgeoisie that made up the foundation of the nineteenth-century France of the ‘notables’? How far did the older elites of the ancien régime succeed in taking part in the political, social and cultural reordering of the first decades of the new century? This chapter examines the significance of these questions in relation to the construction and legitimation of elite power after the fall of Robespierre. Exploring both political and intellectual developments, it reveals the dynamics which account for the major rupture between the dominance of a republican elite under the Directory, and the foundations of the power of the Empire’s so-called ‘Granite masses’. Study of the various components of elite domination involves not merely scrutiny of the role played by the state, but also of changing attitudes towards the common people, against whom the evolving position of the elite was constructed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-81
Author(s):  
Man Kumar Rai

   The objective of this article is to analyze the use of satire in three poems, from Rupesh  Shrestha’s volume of poems Ghintang Ghishi Twank in order to examine use of the suffering of voiceless people. The poems depict absurdities of the society and hypocrisy of the leaders which are the causes of poor people‟s pains. This poems exhibit how follies, vices and absurdities are hurdle in transforming society into prosperous one. The poet has berated them with the aim of bringing positive change in the society and in the lives of the common people. The poet mocks at the political changes which have brought change only in the lives of political leaders, not in the lives of the people who have been ignored by the state for long. Despite many anxieties, they enjoy dancing and playing sticks in their hands on the special occasion of Gaijatra. The poems are collection of sharp words which are used to butt the corrupt politicians. For this, the elements of Juvenalian satire have been used as tools for analysis of the selected poems. This study highlights upon the anxieties of marginalized people; demonstrates the shameful act of politicians; and exposes the absurdities prevailed in the society. It indicates that the political and social absurdities are subject to be poked in order to reform a society.


2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 85-100
Author(s):  
Ahmed Sohail ◽  
Ahmed Fasih ◽  
Zubair Muhammad

The respect of human rights in a society determines the destination of that society or state. It is the level of satisfaction of citizens of a country which convinces them to work for the growth and progress of that state or society. The people of FATA are living under a draconian law which is known as Frontier Crime Regulations (FCR). There is agrave human rights violation of the people of FATA under this law. Freedom of speech, freedom of expression etc. are hampered by the FCR and the common people live under a threat of collective punishment as well. Moreover, due to military operations against the militants in the area, millions of people from FATA have been displaced. At times, there are grave violations of human rights of the displaced persons as well. This paper will explore the state of human rights in FATA in general and evaluates its impact on the Federation of Pakistan. The paper evaluates different instances of human rights violation in various agencies of FATA and their root causes as well.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 183-211
Author(s):  
Trond Bjerkås

From the Stage of State Power to Representative Assembly?: The Visitation as a Public Arena, 1750–1850In the eighteenth century, the bishops’ visitations to dioceses constituted an important part of the control apparatus of the Church and the absolutist state. The article examines visitations in Norway in terms of public arenas, where the common people interacted with Church officials. During the period 1750 to 1850, the visitations were gradually transformed from arenas in which the state manifested its power towards a largely undifferentiated populace, to meeting places that resembled representative assemblies with both clerical and common lay members. Thus, it adapted to new forms of public participation established by the reforms of national and local government in the first half of the nineteenth century. At the same time, the process amounted to an elitization, because a few representatives replaced of the congregation as a whole. It is also argued that parish churches in the eighteenth century functioned as general public forums with a number of other functions in addition to worship, such as being places of trade and festivities. This seems to change in the nineteenth century, when churches became more exclusively religious arenas. The transition can be seen in the context of new forms of participation in Church matters. Many clerics wanted greater participation by sections of the commoners, in order to strengthen control in moral and religious matters.


Author(s):  
Charles Dorn

This chapter discusses the emergence of a social ethos of practicality in higher education by the end of the nineteenth century. Throughout the antebellum era, the expansion of scientific and technical knowledge joined with the rise of political populism to lead existing institutions to add practical studies to their curricula. Many advocates of practical studies, however, were not satisfied with simply incorporating courses or appending schools to already-established colleges and universities. They sought to break with tradition by establishing a new kind of higher-education institution, one that would teach students scientific and investigative principles while also requiring the application of those principles outside of the classroom, both on the farm and in the field. This new institutional type would contribute to the common good by being unprecedentedly accessible and affordable to agrarian and laboring youth. The chapter then looks at the establishment of the Agricultural College of the State of Michigan.


1982 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Fithian Stevens

In the struggle sustained from time immemorial by the people with the haciendas, I shall be on the side of the people, once I obtain power.— Porfirio Díaz, 1876Given the importance of rural unrest in the destabilizing of Porfirian Mexico, it seems at least ironic to find these words attributed to Díaz during his Tuxtepec revolt. And, given the attention paid to the repressive elements of the Díaz dictatorship, one might easily argue that Díaz never intended to fulfill that promise, vague though it may be. A number of works seem to blame Díaz personally for the land problem which lead to his overthrow. Others maintain that Díaz remained aloof and was isolated from the common people; but by far the greatest number of works employ such amorphous or monolithic concepts as the “State,” the “Díaz regime,” “porjirismo,” or simply “the government” and focus exclusively on evidence of repression in Porfirian Mexico. Repression has attracted attention in part because it has been important in explaining dissatisfaction which lead to the Revolution of 1910 and in part because violence attracted a great deal of attention from contemporaries. This interest provides historians with more accessible sources while evidence of a more conciliatory attitude has remained hidden in the collection of Porfirio Díaz's presidential papers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-31
Author(s):  
Gill Oluwatosin Adekannbi

The killing of Tiberius Gracchus along with hundreds of his supporters in factional violence has left an imprint of moral controversy. When perpetuated by the aggrieved or oppressed masses, violence is seen as an act of aggression or rebellion. However, it tends to be termed political expediency when initiated by the ruling power or its agency. Using interpretive approach, this paper sets aside justifying the murdering of Tiberius as removal of a potential tyrant who was causing public disturbance. The research, after highlighting how violence became imminent when other legitimate efforts at resolving political conflicts failed, shifts to the moral question arising from resorting to violence as the ultimate tool for achieving a political goal. Corrupt members of the Roman Senate and their supporters would share the view: ‘so perish also all others who do such things’. However, the paper notes the benefits of Tiberius’ agrarian reforms to the poor citizens and the potential benefits of the changes to the state. The conclusion is: the champion of the people had acted well enough but inconclusively to reach his goals. It remained for him and his supporters to stand against being outmaneuvered by the corrupt politicians. If violence had been used by Tiberius and his followers against the senate to succeed, the common people would have declared this as both morally justifiable and politically expedient. Hence, it is theorised that, when moral questions are unanswered in politics, violence looms and no one may have the monopoly of it.


Author(s):  
Robert B. Gordon ◽  
Patrick M. Malone

Lured by the potential for substantial wealth, Americans have focused a disproportionate share of their industrial effort on extracting and processing resources that are both scarce and in high demand. Gold and silver were always valuable and eagerly sought, but in the nineteenth century, the demand tor other nonferrous metals and (or petroleum rose to unprecedented levels. Obtaining these scarce, nonrenewable resources brought new patterns of industrial land use and new environmental consequences. The continuing effects on our land, water, and air are serious concerns in American society today. The hope of finding gold and silver, the metals of wealth and display, drew numerous adventurers to North America in the seventeenth century. In the East, those hoping to repeat the Spanish experience in South America and Mexico were disappointed. Although colonial prospectors did discover small deposits of nonferrous-metal ores on the east coast and in the Appalachians, most of the metals were not in the precious category. There was a demand for utilitarian metals as well: English colonists depended on lead for pipes, window carries, and shot; they cooked with copper kettles, drank the products of copper stills, and set their tables with pewter (a tin alloy) tableware. Nevertheless, Americans generally found it cheaper and easier to use imported nonferrous metals until the mineral resources of the center of the continent were exploited in the nineteenth century. Iron was the only metal extensively mined in the English colonies. One of the few relicts of pre-Revolutionary nonferrous metallurgy is the Simsbury Copper Mine in East Granby, Connecticut. This mining enterprise obtained its charter in 1706. The state now preserves the site, not as an industrial monument but because the mine served for a time as the state prison. Visitors can enter the underground workings. Physical evidence of the first gold discovery in the United States, in 1799, exists at the Reed Gold Mine, a state historic site near Georgiaville, North Carolina. Most of the milling survivals are from later development at the mining site in 1854 and 1896. North Carolina led the nation in gold production until the California gold rush of 1849.


1980 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Claudia D. Johnson

In 1837 William Leggett, one of the foremost American politicans and journalists of the 1830s and 1840s, wrote of Homer and Shakespeare: Walt Whitman, who certainly revered Shakespeare and frequently acknowledged Shakespeare's influence, also regarded his work as “poisonous to the idea of the pride and dignity of the common people, the life-blood of democracy.” Whitman's and Leggett's pronouncements are typical of the simultaneous admiration and disapproval with which many other democrats in an emerging American culture approached Shakespeare in the nineteenth century.


1982 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 251-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Robinson

Scholars of the West African savanna have long been familiar with the use of the Arabic alphabet to create cajami or “non-Arabic” literatures in Fulfulde and Hausa. Maurice Delafosse took a rather negative position on the value of this material, basing his opinion on two formidable obstacles: the absence of natural correspondence between a Semitic alphabet and non-Semitic phonemes and the difficulty of establishing a unified system of of conventions where such a natural correspondence was lacking. He argued that the ajamiyya manuscripts were few in number, poor in quality, and did not deserve the name of literature. By contrast, several more recent authors have stressed the importance and the continuing composition in ajamiyya: Gilbert Vieillard and Alfa Ibrahima Sow, in their work on the Fulfulde of Futa Jalon, Pierre Lacroix in his work on the Adamawa dialect of the same language, and Mervyn Hiskett in his studies in Hausa. Even where the volume of material is small, they have pointed to the critical pedagogical functions of ajamiyya for the spread of Islam.In this paper I wish to show both the importance and the problems of exploiting Fulfulde literature in a somewhat different milieu, the jihad of al-hajj Umar of the mid-nineteenth century and the state which his son Amadu Sheku ran from Segu. To achieve this I will examine a narrative poem taken from the library and archives of Segu but housed since the 1890s at the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris under the title Fonds Archinard. In the process I hope to draw attention to the historical circumstances in which the ajamiyya conventions for Fulfulde were developed and maintained in Futa Jalon and then extended to the Umarian entourage, and to the necessity for textual and contextual criticism of written documents based on an understanding of the close relationship between oral and written media and the continual revision that characterize a received tradition.


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