scholarly journals Introduction

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Sarah Wiliarty ◽  
Louise K. Davidson-Schmich

With its 5 percent electoral threshold, constitutional goal of creating a “wehrhafte Demokratie,” (defensive democracy) and the Christian Democrats’ goal of never allowing a party to their right, the Federal Republic has long seemed immune to the rise of a national-level, populist far-right party. In September 2017, however, Germany joined most European countries when the Alternative for Germany (AfD) entered the Bundestag with over 12 percent of the popular vote. By 2020, the party was represented in all state legislatures in the country and its votes briefly helped elect a state level chief executive in Thuringia.

2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 74-93
Author(s):  
Samuel Salzborn

The Alternative for Germany (AfD) has been sitting in Germany’s federal parliament since September 2017, having won 12.6 percent of the popular vote. In considering this young party’s recent development, researchers have focussed on its rhetorical strategies (i.e., populism) and its radicalization. Until now, much less attention has been paid to antisemitism within the AfD— also because the party would prefer to keep this out of public debate. By investigating its treatment of antisemitism, Nazism, and the politics of remembrance, it can be shown that the AfD has the features of a far-right party, to a much clearer extent than might be guessed from its media image, particularly inside Germany.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2110411
Author(s):  
Stella M. Rouse ◽  
Charles Hunt ◽  
Kristen Essel

Most research has examined the influence of the Tea Party as a social movement or loose organization, but less is known about its influence within legislative party politics, especially at the state level. In this paper, we argue that in this context the Tea Party is primarily an intraparty faction that has caused significant divisions inside the Republican Party. Using an original dataset of legislators across 13 states for the years 2010 to 2013, we examine legislator and district-level characteristics that predict state legislators’ affiliation with the Tea Party. Our results reveal that in some respects legislators affiliated with the Tea Party are a far-right wing of the Republican Party. However, by other measures that capture anti-establishment political sentiment, Tea Party affiliated legislators comprise a factional group attempting to transform the Party in ways that go beyond ideology. These findings have important implications for the future prospects of the GOP.


Significance Control of state legislatures is vital to the process of electoral redistricting, triggered by the 2020 census, which will last for the next ten years. Several states also voted on questions of drug policy and the minimum wage; such changes often percolate to the national level. Impacts Democrats will find it difficult to unify their message given divisions between progressives and centrists. State-level politics will influence national politics, such as California de facto setting US emissions policy. Republican state governments will litigate Democratic federal measures, such as reintroducing environmental regulations. Democrats will try to deepen their engagement with state organisations, but positive results will take time.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-125
Author(s):  
Christina Xydias

Next to the Alternative for Germany (AfD)’s nationalism and anti-immigrant attitudes, natalism and support for traditional gender roles are key components of the party’s far right categorization. Women are not absent from parties like the AfD, though they support them at lower rates than men and at lower rates than they support other parties. In light of women’s lower presence in far-right parties, how do women officeholders in the AfD explain their party affiliation, and how do their explanations differ from men’s? An answer is discernible at the nexus between AfD officeholders’ publicly available political backgrounds and the accounts that they offer for joining the party, termed “origin stories.” Empirically, this article uses an original dataset of political biographical details for all the AfD’s state and federal legislators elected between 2013 and late 2019. This dataset shows that AfD women at the state level are less likely than their men counterparts to have been affiliated with a political party, and they are less likely to have been politically active, prior to their participation in the AfD. Regardless of the facts of their backgrounds, however, women more than men explain their support of the AfD as a choice to enter into politics, and men more than women explain their support of the AfD as a choice to leave another party. The article argues that these gendered origin stories can be contextualized within the party’s masculinist, natalist, and nationalist values.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathieu Buelens

Résumé La seconde transition démographique n’a pas effacé les différences spatiales en termes de fécondité en Europe du Nord-Ouest. Ainsi, il existe une distinction claire entre les États les plus au Nord et à l’Ouest du contient et les autres, ainsi que des différences intra-étatiques. Malgré la difficulté de rassembler des données compa-rables à une échelle spatiale fine pour plusieurs pays, cette étude propose à une échelle locale une comparaison transnationale de l’intensité et de la temporalité de la fécondité en Europe du Nord-Ouest. Elle examine la cohérence des modèles de fécondité sur territoire et détermine les échelles prépondérantes de leur organisa-tion spatiale. La méthodologie consiste en une analyse par composantes principa­les appliquée aux taux de fécondité par classe d’âge pour 5 376 entités locales reparties dans sept pays d’Europe du Nord-Ouest. De cette première analyse est déduite une typologie des entités spatiales selon leur fécondité. Les résultats donnent à voir des modèles de fécondité contrastés en Europe du Nord-Ouest. C’est surtout la temporalité qui distingue les modèles de fécondité, tant au sein de la zone d’étude en générale qu’au sein de chaque pays séparément. D’un point de vue spatial, ces modèles de fécondité contrastés sont organisés selon l’action conjointe de deux éléments : les métropoles et les frontières nationales. Les environnements urbains sont dissociés du reste de leur contexte national. De plus, à l’échelle intra-urbaine, une triple distinction apparait : la fécondité est faible et est la plus tardive en centre-ville ; elle est la plus élevée avec des calendriers très dispersés dans les quartiers défavorisés et enfin elle est relativement forte mais bien plus concentrée autour de 30 ans en banlieue. Les résultats révèlent également l’importance du niveau national, auquel correspond 65 % de la variance de l’intensité de fécondité entre les entités locales. Cela suggère que des facteurs na­tionaux doivent avoir une influence majeure sur l’intensité de la fécondité. L’utilisa­tion de l’échelle nationale pour étudier l’intensité de la fécondité uniquement est ainsi en partie justifiée. Cette analyse démontre aussi l’intérêt des études locales des comportements féconds en milieu urbain. Abstract The second demographic transition has not erased spatial differences in fertility patterns in northwestern Europe. A state-level distinction exists between northern and westernmost European countries, on one hand, and the rest of the continent, on the other hand, as well as intra-national distinctions. Despite the difficulty of gathering comparable data at a fine spatial level in different countries, this study presents cross-national and local spatial distribution of fertility intensity and timing in northwestern Europe. The goal is to examine the coherence of fertility patterns and determine the overriding scales of their spatial organisation. The methodology consists in a principal component analysis on age-specific fertility rates (ASFR) of 5’376 local units in seven northwestern European countries. Local units are then gathered in clusters. The results show contrasted fertility patterns in North-Western Europe. Differences in fertility timing are more important than differences in fertility intensity for both spatial units in the study area in general and within each country separately. From a spatial point of view, these contrasting fertility patterns are organised according to two existing levels: the metropolitan and the country level. Urban environments are isolated from the national context their embedded in. Additionally, a triple dis­tinction appears within metropolises. Fertility is low and the latest in city centres. Fertility rates are the highest and dispersed through childbearing ages in deprived urban neighbourhoods. Finally, fertility is relatively high but with a narrow distribution through in suburban areas. The national level is relevant for 65% of the fertility intensity related variance between local units. It suggests decisive influence of na­tional factors on fertility intensity. Cross-country analyses of fertility level are thus partly legitimated. However, this analysis also calls for better understanding of local fertility behaviours in metropolitan contexts.  


2011 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 233-258
Author(s):  
Shannon Jenkins

Research shows the influence of campaign contributions on congressional behavior is infrequent, but more pronounced in certain situations and for certain types of legislators. But it is unclear if these theories apply at the state level. This study examines the impact of campaign contributions in three state legislatures; results show group contributions impact roll call voting in a significant minority of cases and significant relationships are more likely for business and labor contributions, as at the national level. However, the analysis also shows there is variation in the pattern of influence across the states, which is not related to issue salience in all states.


Author(s):  
Robert M. Alexander

This chapter examines the formulation and evolution of the Electoral College. Determining how the chief executive would be selected was among the most difficult tasks facing the Framers. They sought to balance geographic interests with concerns over popular sovereignty and legitimacy. Delegates debated whether the president should be selected by the legislature, by popular vote, or by state legislatures. Consensus rather than political principle drove much of the deliberation regarding the presidential selection process. Once established, the Electoral College changed considerably in a short while. The emergence of political parties (and party tickets) necessitated the passage of the 12th Amendment. This also changed the role of electors from one of independence to one of obedience. The widespread use of the unit rule further altered how the Electoral College functioned. Recognizing whether one is discussing the original body or the evolved body is essential in order to properly debate the institution.


Shore & Beach ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 53-64
Author(s):  
Edward Atkin ◽  
Dan Reineman ◽  
Jesse Reiblich ◽  
David Revell

Surf breaks are finite, valuable, and vulnerable natural resources, that not only influence community and cultural identities, but are a source of revenue and provide a range of health benefits. Despite these values, surf breaks largely lack recognition as coastal resources and therefore the associated management measures required to maintain them. Some countries, especially those endowed with high-quality surf breaks and where the sport of surfing is accepted as mainstream, have recognized the value of surfing resources and have specific policies for their conservation. In Aotearoa New Zealand surf breaks are included within national environmental policy. Aotearoa New Zealand has recently produced Management Guidelines for Surfing Resources (MGSR), which were developed in conjunction with universities, regional authorities, not-for-profit entities, and government agencies. The MGSR provide recommendations for both consenting authorities and those wishing to undertake activities in the coastal marine area, as well as tools and techniques to aid in the management of surfing resources. While the MGSR are firmly aligned with Aotearoa New Zealand’s cultural and legal frameworks, much of their content is applicable to surf breaks worldwide. In the United States, there are several national-level and state-level statutes that are generally relevant to various aspects of surfing resources, but there is no law or policy that directly addresses them. This paper describes the MGSR, considers California’s existing governance frameworks, and examines the potential benefits of adapting and expanding the MGSR in this state.


Author(s):  
Paul D. Kenny

This chapter addresses India’s more recent experience of populism at the national level. While India has avoided a return to authoritarianism since the Emergency, populism has been a recurrent feature of Indian politics. The persistence of divided party rule between the national and subnational levels has meant an uneasy tension between two different modes of political mobilization for national office. National–subnational coalitions based on the distribution of pork have undergirded several Congress party governments. However, such coalitions remain inherently unstable given the autonomy of India’s subnational unit, and they are vulnerable to outflanking by populist appeals over the heads of state governments. The electoral success of the BJP under Modi in 2014 illustrates the appeal of populist mobilization in a vertically fragmented patronage-based system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 77 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark A. Atkinson ◽  
David M. Edwards ◽  
Frank Søndergaard Jensen ◽  
Alexander P. N. van der Jagt ◽  
Ben R. Ditchburn ◽  
...  

Abstract Key message National Forest Inventories (NFIs) hold promise for monitoring and valuing of non-productive forest functions, including social and recreational services. European countries use a range of methods to collect social and recreational information within their NFI methodologies. Data collected frequently included general and recreation-specific infrastructure, but innovative approaches are also used to monitor recreational use and social abuse. Context Social and recreational indicators are increasingly valued in efforts to measure the non-productive value of forests in Europe. National Forest Inventories (NFIs) can be used to estimate recreational and social usage of forest land at a national level and relate this use to other biophysical, spatial and topographical features. Nonetheless, there is little information concerning the extent. Aims The study aims to identify the coverage of social and recreational data present in European NFIs including the types of data recorded as part of the NFI methodologies across European countries. It also aims to examine contrasting methods used to record social and recreational data and present recommendations for ways forward for countries to integrate these into NFI practice. Methods A pan-European questionnaire was designed and distributed to 35 counties as part of the EU-funded project Distributed, Integrated and Harmonised Forest Information for Bioeconomy Outlooks (DIABOLO). The questionnaire probed countries on all social and recreational data that was included within NFIs. Qualitative response data was analysed and recoded to measure the extent of social and recreational data recoded in European NFIs both as a function of the number of variable categories per country and the number of countries recording particular variables. Results Thirty-one countries reported at least one social or recreational variable over 12 categories of data. The most frequently recorded variables included ownership, general transport infrastructure and recreation-specific infrastructure. Countries collecting data over many different categories included Switzerland, Great Britain, Czech Republic, Luxemburg and Denmark. Conclusion The study proposes a specific set of indicators, based upon countries with well-developed social and recreational data in their NFIs, which could be used by other countries, and report on the extent to which these are currently collected across Europe. It discusses results and makes a series of recommendations concerning priorities for the inclusion of social and recreational data in European NFIs.


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