Nexus Politics

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 56-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Flinders ◽  
Matthew Wood

Existing research on alternative forms of political participation does not adequately account for why those forms of participation at an “everyday” level should be defined as political. In this article we aim to contribute new conceptual and theoretical depth to this research agenda by drawing on sociological theory to posit a framework for determining whether nontraditional forms of political engagement can be defined as genuinely distinctive from traditional participation. Existing “everyday politics” frameworks are analytically underdeveloped, and the article argues instead for drawing upon Michel Maffesoli’s theory of “neo-tribal” politics. Applying Maffesoli’s insights, we provide two questions for operationally defining “everyday” political participation, as expressing autonomy from formal political institutions, and building new political organizations from the bottom up. This creates a substantive research agenda of not only operationally defining political participation, but examining how traditional governmental institutions and social movements respond to a growth in everyday political participation: nexus politics.

Author(s):  
Norhafiza Mohd Hed

This article examines the dynamics of young people’s political participation in Malaysia during the 1998 Reformasi era by focusing its analyses on the patterns of participation and the impacts of the 1998 Reformasi and the 1999 general election on young people’s political engagement.  By using content analysis of secondary data, the findings show that the 1998 Reformasi marked as a turning point that changed political engagement of young people from politically indifferent or disconnected generation to politically engaged citizens, whether in the forms of conventional politics (i.e. voting) or unconventional politics (i.e. protest activism and social movements) whilst failed to replace the existing ruling regime.  This change was closely related to the regional trend, socioeconomic factors and the new media.


Author(s):  
Julen Figueras

This chapter analyses the Spanish social movement of the 15M, and the influence of Information and Communication Technologies on it. Drawing a distinction between liberal and republican citizenship, the first part of the chapter discusses the interactions between technology and social movements in terms of political participation. This part compares and contrasts characteristics of online-based interactions with offline mobilisations in Spain. The second part of the chapter compiles a set of features that can be found in current Internetworked Social Movements, and its meaning from the perspective of political engagement. The chapter concludes that ICTs contributed to the recuperation of republican politics with current examples that suggest that forthcoming movements will promote this kind of participation.


2003 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
John K. Glenn

In this paper, I identify and analyze the interaction between two processes – mobilization and bargaining – by which democratic challengers can transform political institutions, bringing together insights from the literatures on social movements, which tends to analyze movement emergence, and democratization, which tends to analyze the design of democratic institutions. I compare the impact of social movements in the fall of communism in Eastern Europe, cases that offer a valuable opportunity to extend the literature on contentious politics beyond its origins in the study of Western parliamentary democracies. The analysis directs attention to an under examined arena of political contestation, agenda setting, or the process by which the demands of social movements are translated into issues for governments. The paper argues that the traditional dichotomy between institutional and non-institutionalized contention has obscured the ways that democratic challengers not only pressure states from the outside but transform them through new forms of political participation. Finally, it considers alternative explanations and suggests new directions for comparative research across different settings and times.


2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Danilo Rothberg ◽  
Caroline Klaus Luvizotto ◽  
Kátia Viviane da Silva Vanzini

RESUMO O Participatório: Observatório Participativo da Juventude é uma plataforma online lançada em agosto de 2013 como parte da resposta da Secretaria Geral da Presidência da República aos protestos que tomaram as ruas brasileiras em meados daquele ano. Com o objetivo de situar a proposta do Participatório diante do contexto teórico trazido pelos estudos de movimentos sociais e ativismo digital, este artigo reúne teorizações pertinentes e apresenta resultados de estudo empírico que indica balizas para avaliar se as metas aparentes da plataforma teriam sido atingidas. Os dados sugerem que a consecução dos objetivos da iniciativa dependerá da eficácia de aperfeiçoamentos futuros.Palavras-chave: Movimentos Sociais; Redes Sociais; Ativismo Digital; Engajamento Político; Participação Política.ABSTRACT The Participatório: Observatório Participativo da Juventude (Participatory: Observatory on the Youth Participation) is an online platform created in August 2013 as part of the response of the General Secretariat of the Presidency of the Republic of Brazil to the protests which took Brazilian streets in the middle of that year. This paper analyses the Participatório against the theoretical context brought by studies of digital activism and social movements. We revise relevant theories and present results of an empirical study indicating parameters to assess whether the apparent goals of the platform would have been reached. The data suggest that the initiative could achieve its purposes as long as it secures the efficacy of future improvements.Keywords: Social Movements; Social Networks; Digital Activism; Political Engagement; Political Participation.


1965 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 386-430 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel P. Huntington

Among the laws that rule human societies,” de Tocqueville said, “there is one which seems to be more precise and clear than all others. If men are to remain civilized or to become so, the art of associating together must grow and improve in the same ratio in which the equality of conditions is increased.”1 In much of the world today, equality of political participation is growing much more rapidly than is the “art of associating together.” The rates of mobilization and participation are high; the rates of organization and institutionalization are low. De Tocqueville's precondition for civilized society is in danger, if it is not already undermined. In these societies, the conflict between mobilization and institutionalization is the crux of politics. Yet in the fast-growing literature on the politics of the developing areas, political institutionalization usually receives scant treatment. Writers on political development emphasize the processes of modernization and the closely related phenomena of social mobilization and increasing political participation. A balanced view of the politics of contemporary Asia, Africa, and Latin America requires more attention to the “art of associating together” and the growth of political institutions. For this purpose, it is useful to distinguish political development from modernization and to identify political development with the institutionalization of political organizations and procedures. Rapid increases in mobilization and participation, the principal political aspects of modernization, undermine political institutions. Rapid modernization, in brief, produces not political development, but political decay.


Author(s):  
Marcelo Burgos Pimentel dos Santos ◽  
Rosemary Segurado ◽  
Pedro Malina

O artigo apresenta os resultados de pesquisa cujo objetivo foi compreender as novas formas de participação política no Brasil no que tange dimensões à efetivação da democracia. Para isso, analisou as ações de cidadãos e movimentos sociais que no Senado Federal contestaram leis sobre direitos e usos da maconha no Brasil. Os grupos analisados têm, nos usos da internet e do ciberativismo, o intuito de promover um debate amplo sobre a maconha através de seu engajamento político. As ações ocorrem dentro dos marcos legais e arranjos institucionais previstos na Constituição Federal (CF-88), além da utilização de mecanismos de mobilização de cidadãos para participar nos debates públicos. Resultados indicam ampliação do diálogo entre instituições políticas e a sociedade civil e, ao mesmo tempo, limitações dos arranjos institucionais para fortalecimento da democracia. AbstractThis article aims to contribute to the understanding the new forms of political participation in Brazil regarding some dimension of democracy effectiveness. The research analyzed some citizens and social movements actions challenges laws and rules about the rights and uses of marijuana in Brazil. The analysis demonstrates that the groups used internet and cyber-activisms to promote and deepen debates about marijuana cultivation.These actions take place within the legal and institutional arrangements foreseen in the Federal Constitution (CF-88) and also trough formal mechanisms of civic participation in public debates (E-Citizenship Program). The results indicate a broadening of dialogue between political institutions and civil society, and at the same time, some limitations of institutional arrangements for strengthening democracy.


Author(s):  
ROBERTO F. CARLOS

Extensive research on political participation suggests that parental resources strongly predict participation. Other research indicates that salient political events can push individuals to participate. I offer a novel explanation of how mundane household experiences translate to political engagement, even in settings where low participation levels are typically found, such as immigrant communities. I hypothesize that experiences requiring children of Latinx immigrants to take on “adult” responsibilities provide an environment where children learn the skills needed to overcome the costs associated with participation. I test this hypothesis using three datasets: a survey of Latinx students, a representative survey of young adults, and a 10-year longitudinal study. The analyses demonstrate that Latinx children of immigrants taking on adult responsibilities exhibit higher levels of political activity compared with those who do not. These findings provide new insights into how the cycle of generational political inequality is overcome in unexpected ways and places.


The Forum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 569-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Lawless ◽  
Richard L. Fox

Abstract From the moment Donald Trump took the oath of office, women’s political engagement skyrocketed. This groundswell of activism almost immediately led to widespread reporting that Trump’s victory was inspiring a large new crop of female candidates across the country. We rely on a May 2017 national survey of “potential candidates” and the 2018 midterm election results to assess whether this “Trump Effect” materialized. Our analysis uncovers some evidence for it. Democrats – especially women – held very negative feelings toward Trump, and those feelings generated heightened political interest and activity during the 2018 election cycle. That activism, however, was not accompanied by a broad scale surge in women’s interest in running for office. In fact, the overall gender gap in political ambition today is quite similar to the gap we’ve uncovered throughout the last 20 years. Notably, though, about one quarter of the Democratic women who expressed interest in running for office first started thinking about it only after Trump was elected. That relatively small group of newly interested candidates was sufficient to result in a record number of Democratic women seeking and winning election to Congress. With no commensurate increase in Republican women’s political engagement or candidate emergence, however, prospects for gender parity in US political institutions remain bleak.


2021 ◽  
pp. 232102302110430
Author(s):  
Wahid Ahmad Dar

The article focuses on the subaltern system of micro appropriations or Jugaads used by young Kashmiris to survive within precarious situations inflicted due to armed conflict. More particularly, it argues that such Jugaads are invoked by the subaltern consciousness of Tehreeq-e-Azadi, which offers space for not just the negotiation with the state but also the creative improvisation of daily political actions. It is illustrated that young people’s political participation is entangled with the attempts to overcome the uncertainty around their lives, thereby offering them pragmatic solutions in advancing their interests. It is further elaborated that the existing polarization between separatism and mainstream is obscure at the experiential level, living within precarious situations has taught young people to silently craft possibilities of a good life without looking confrontational to either side. The article argues that localized forms of engagement are crucial for a comprehensive understanding of how modern states operate.


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