Introduction: Political Participation and Civil Rights of Immigrants a Research Agenda

1985 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 400 ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 56-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Flinders ◽  
Matthew Wood

Existing research on alternative forms of political participation does not adequately account for why those forms of participation at an “everyday” level should be defined as political. In this article we aim to contribute new conceptual and theoretical depth to this research agenda by drawing on sociological theory to posit a framework for determining whether nontraditional forms of political engagement can be defined as genuinely distinctive from traditional participation. Existing “everyday politics” frameworks are analytically underdeveloped, and the article argues instead for drawing upon Michel Maffesoli’s theory of “neo-tribal” politics. Applying Maffesoli’s insights, we provide two questions for operationally defining “everyday” political participation, as expressing autonomy from formal political institutions, and building new political organizations from the bottom up. This creates a substantive research agenda of not only operationally defining political participation, but examining how traditional governmental institutions and social movements respond to a growth in everyday political participation: nexus politics.


1974 ◽  
Vol 7 (01) ◽  
pp. 6-8
Author(s):  
John H. Britton

Black America in 1970 was weary and frustrated. Old targets of its assaults on racial injustice were becoming more elusive and were changing their shapes through disguises. Demonstrations for pure civil rights causes resulted in fewer concessions. Charismatic black leaders, once able to stir the national conscience almost at will, had gone to the mountaintop. Riots had proved ruinous. Rhetoric was boring. The voices of old allies were raised in eulogy of “the movement.”Cynicism enveloped black America like a fog, so sure were blacks that they had been placed near the bottom of the list of national priorities. For blacks knew that their aspirations remained unfulfilled, and they knew that minority participation in the affairs of the nation was still circumscribed by a variety of hostile forces. Not the least of the latter was the notion in white America that judicial pronouncements and legislation of the sixties had lifted the black man's burden; that it was time to back away from black programs and turn with some urgency to “business as usual.”


1984 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geraint Parry ◽  
George Moyser

HISTORICALLY SPEAKING, THE THEME OF POLITICAL PARTICIpation and the set of issues connected with it are as old as politics itself, because they touch on some of the most central and perennial questions of political life – who decides, where are the boundaries of community and citizenship to be drawn, who benefits, how will decisions be made? However, beyond this, participation has from time to time become a particularly central and salient issue in British politics. In the seventeenth century the issues revolved around the ‘claims of the gentry and merchant classes to play a larger part in the making of government policy’. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the issue moved on to representation of the nonropertied classes – the town worker, the rural worker and Etterly universal suffrage.


2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Karen Narasaki ◽  
June Han

This article discusses the anti-immigrant sentiment after 9/11 and focuses on Asian American’s research agenda and advocacy plans to identify the problem and offer suggestions to mitigate it. The aftermath of 9/11 resulted in discrimination and violence against minorities, and therefore adversely affected their economic conditions and limited their opportunities. 9/11 also exposed the lack of adequate system of research and data regarding Asian Americans that would be necessary to influence the nation’s legislative institutions. The introduction of governmental policies to increase national security is explored as inefficient, biased and complicate existing major problems that immigrants face. 9/11 resulted in increased racial profiling, which highlights the government’s lack of policies protecting immigrant rights. 9/11 affected the immigrant issues of legalization, voting rights, employment discrimination, language barriers, legal services, and the effects of welfare reform.


Author(s):  
Arthur Brief

This chapter examines the extent to which social justice in America has progressed since the Civil Rights Act of 1964 from an organizational psychology perspective. In particular, it evaluates the Civil Rights Act of 1964 in relation to the progress Blacks have and have not made in the last five decades. It first considers the progress brought by the civil rights movement and the Civil Rights Act of 1964 based on attitudinal data and employment statistics. It then reviews the literature on organizational psychology and social justice, suggesting that America has achieved much when it comes to social justice but still has a long way to go. It proposes what an organizational psychologist’s social justice research agenda should look like, with emphasis on the need to more fully recognize the roles played by stereotypes and prejudices in employment discrimination. The article concludes with a few personal observations from the author.


Author(s):  
Maurice Crandall

In the Introduction, the author relates how his own family’s experiences with Indigenous civil rights in Arizona inspired this study. Maurice Crandall, a citizen of the Yavapai-Apache Nation, became interested in Indian citizenship and voting after his own grandfather was unjustly incarcerated, without trial, as a juvenile in 1930s Arizona. By focusing on stories of Indigenous encounters with electoral politics, the author seeks to weave a narrative that challenges progressive stories of Indigenous civil rights and political participation, one that would have Indians finally and fully enfranchised thanks to the benevolence of the United States political system. Instead, this work shows how Indigenous peoples of the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands were enfranchised in a variety of ways during the Spanish, Mexican, and U.S. territorial periods, always while seeking to retain community sovereignty.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document