scholarly journals Značenje i prednost proučavanja židovske Biblije na biblijskom hebrejskom jeziku

2019 ◽  
Vol XVII (2) ◽  
pp. 393-393
Author(s):  
Agnes E. DaDon ◽  
Kotel DaDon

In this article the authors analyse the importance of the study of the Old Testament in its original language, Biblical Hebrew. The first part of the article consists of a general introduction followed by the explanation of the main linguistic differences between Biblical and Modern Hebrew, as one of the factors contributing to the difficulty of understanding the Bible even for native Israelis. This part ends with a brief description of the first Modern Hebrew translation of the Bible and the intentions behind this translation, as presented by the translator and the publisher. The central part of this article discusses the following issues: the need of a translation of the Bible from Biblical Hebrew into modern spoken Hebrew, the importance of the Bible and the Biblical text, continues with a general introduction to translation, provides arguments in favour and against the translation of the text from Biblical Hebrew into Modern spoken Hebrew or other languages. The end of this part exposes the difficulties involved in Bible translation, providing examples of major problems in the translation of the Bible. In this context, the background of Torah translations into Aramaic is explained. Finally, in the conclusion, the authors give their recommendations for the school curriculum in Croatia, based on their experiences as teachers and parents. In their work, the authors use many sources from the rabbinical literature since the Talmudic time through the Middle Ages until modern times. Much of this literature is translated into Croatian from Hebrew and Aramaic for the first time by the authors.

Target ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 445-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilla Karas

Abstract This article argues for intralingual intertemporal translations as a separate category within the field of translation studies. Not only do these translations seem to have common characteristics and behaviors, but it is precisely their particularities that make them a key to understanding more ‘typical’ translations. Two main sets of examples will serve as demonstration: translations from Old French into Middle and Modern French, and a Modern Hebrew translation of the Old Testament, originally written in Biblical Hebrew, as well as the public discussion following its publication.


Author(s):  
Brian Murdoch

The term “biblical apocrypha” is imprecise. What is not meant is what is commonly known as the Apocrypha, the (variable) group of books placed separately in some post-Reformation Bibles between the two Testaments. Those are works found in the 3rd-century bce Greek Old Testament (the Septuagint) but not accepted in the Hebrew canon, which was established later. When Jerome translated the Old Testament into Latin for his Vulgate, he included books (such as Judith), for which he had no Hebrew original, as deuterocanonical, a “second list” of nevertheless biblical books. The word apocrypha (Greek: “hidden things”) can imply simply “noncanonical,” but more specifically the term refers to noncanonical texts involving (or ascribed to) biblical personages, or expanding upon biblical books and events. Alternative terms used include pseudepigrapha (“spuriously attributed writings,” though this too is imprecise), midrash (Hebrew: “story”), generic designations such as apocalypse (many Old and New Testament apocrypha are apocalyptic), or blanket terms such as legend (or legend cycle). Recent studies refer to “the re-written Bible,” the “Bible in progress,” or (in the title of an important Festschrift) “the embroidered Bible.” The word apocryphus in medieval Latin means “uncertain,” “unreliable,” or “anonymous” or “pseudonymous.” Old Testament apocrypha may date from the 2nd century bce to the early Middle Ages, New Testament apocrypha continued to be produced well into the medieval period, and some overlap exists between the two. Some Old Testament apocrypha are extant in Hebrew or Aramaic, but frequently the original is fragmentary or only presumed on philological grounds or external evidence. Surviving versions are often in Greek and were themselves often translated into one or more languages, such as Syriac, Coptic, Ethiopic, Armenian, Georgian, or Latin. The earliest New Testament apocrypha are in Greek or Latin. Relatively recent discoveries have confirmed the antiquity of some, other apocrypha not known in the Middle Ages have been identified, and Christian writers refer to now-lost apocrypha. The manuscript tradition of many Old and New Testament apocrypha, however, is medieval, and, unlike biblical texts, they were not subject to standardization. Many enjoyed wide circulation throughout the Middle Ages and were translated or adapted into vernacular languages. Sometimes the sole known text may be a medieval version in a language such as Slavonic or Irish. The often neglected but continued development of Old and New Testament apocrypha in the Middle Ages is important, as is the knowledge of these texts within different Eastern and Western medieval cultures. It is thus appropriate to consider individual apocryphal works, and then the various cultures in which they are located.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Yane Octavia Rismawati Wainarisi

Biblical Hebrew actually composed with the consonant letter only. To get the original sound of Hebrew Bible, the Bible Editor use Nikud. This is cause one word with the same consonant in Hebrew can have many letters, sounds, and different meaning. This causes new problems in the translation and interpretation of the Bible, especially in finding the original meaning of the author of the Bible. Even so, the process of translating and interpreting the Bible can be approached in another way, namely by looking at the original context (sitz im leben) of the first reader or recipient of the original message (milieu). This phenomenon also occurs in Qohelet's writing which is the study of this paper. The word בּ֣וֹרְאֶ֔יךָ in the text of Ecclesiastes 12: 1 has the root בר which can have a variety of meanings when it is added to Nikud. While the time span from 3-2 BC century BC to the writing of Qohelet is quite far and errors in the gift of Nikud may lead to different interpretations. For this reason, a form criticism and cultural semiotics approach needs to be done to bridge this. This article is about Qohelet with the paradigm of human development that he aimed at young Jewish people at that time. Created with the approach of Cultural Semiotics and Form Criticism in the Old Testament with various book references as research aids. Bahasa Ibrani Alkitab umumnya terdiri dari huruf-huruf konsonan saja. Untuk memperoleh bunyi yang sesuai dengan aslinya, tulisan Bahasa Ibrani dibantu dengan Nikud. Hal ini menyebabkan satu kata dengan konsonan yang sama dalam Bahasa Ibrani dapat memiliki berbagai tulisan, bunyi dan menghasilkan berbagai arti yang berbeda. Hal ini menyebabkan persoalan baru dalam proses penterjemahan dan penafsiran Alkitab terutama untuk dapat menemukan makna asli dari si pengarang Alkitab. Pun demikian, proses penterjemahan dan penafsiran Alkitab ini dapat didekati dengan cara lain yaitu dengan melihat konteks asli (sitz im leben) dari pembaca pertama atau penerima pesan aslinya (milieu). Fenomena ini juga yang terjadi dalam tulisan Qohelet yang menjadi kajian dari tulisan ini. Kata בּ֣וֹרְאֶ֔יךָ dalam teks Pengkhotbah 12:1 memiliki kata dasar בר dapat menimbulkan beragam arti jika sudah ditambahi dengan Nikud. Sementara rentang waktu dari abad ke 3-2 SM masa penulisan Qohelet cukup jauh dan kesalahan dalam pemberian Nikud bisa saja menimbulkan penafsiran yang berbeda. Untuk itu, pendekatan Kritik Bentuk dan Semiotik budaya perlu dilakukan untuk menjembatani hal ini. Artikel ini adalah tentang Qohelet dengan paradigma pembangunan manusia yang ia tujukan kepada anak-anak muda Yahudi masa itu. Dibuat dengan pendekatan Semiotik Budaya dan Kritik Bentuk dalam Perjanjian Lama dengan berbagai referensi buku sebagai alat bantu penelitian.


2008 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 229-239
Author(s):  
Louise Cilliers ◽  
François Retief

In spite of an array of effective antibiotics, tuberculosis is still very common in developing countries where overcrowding, malnutrition and poor hygienic conditions prevail. Over the past 30 years associated HIV infection has worsened the situation by increasing the infection rate and mortality of tuberculosis. Of those diseases caused by a single organism only HIV causes more deaths internationally than tuberculosis. The tubercle bacillus probably first infected man in Neolithic times, and then via infected cattle, but the causative Mycobacteriacea have been in existence for 300 million years. Droplet infection is the most common way of acquiring tuberculosis, although ingestion (e.g. of infected cows’ milk) may occur. Tuberculosis probably originated in Africa. The earliest path gnomonic evidence of human tuberculosis in man was found in osteo-archaeological findings of bone tuberculosis (Pott’s disease of the spine) in the skeleton of anEgyptian priest from the 21st Dynasty (approximately 1 000 BC). Suggestive but not conclusiveevidence of tuberculotic lesions had been found in even earlier skeletons from Egypt and Europe. Medical hieroglyphics from ancient Egypt are silent on the disease, which could be tuberculosis,as do early Indian and Chinese writings. The Old Testament refers to the disease schachapeth, translated as phthisis in the Greek Septuagint. Although the Bible is not specific about this condition, tuberculosis is still called schachapeth in modern Hebrew. In pre-Hippocratic Greece Homer did not mention phthisis, a word meaning non-specific wasting of the body. However. Alexander of Tralles (6th century BC) seemed to narrow the concept down to a specific disease, and in the Hippocratic Corpus (5th-4th centuries BC) phthisis can be recognised as tuberculosis. It was predominantly a respiratory disease commonly seen and considered to be caused by an imbalance of bodily humours. It was commonest in autumn, winter and spring, tended to affect groups of people living close together, and young people in particular. Pregnancy exacerbated phthisis which was characterised by a chronic cough (worse at night), prominent sputum, often blood streaked and presumably arising from necrotic lung tissue. The face was typically flushed with sunken cheeks, sharp nose and very bright eyes. There was atrophy of all muscles with prominent (“winged”) shoulder blades, fever and perspiration often associated with shivering. Symptoms were described which would fit in with complicating lung abscess and empyema. Hippocrates also mentions disease entities which would fit in with extra-pulmonary tuberculosis, like Pott’s disease of the spine and cervical lymphadenopathy (scrofula), although he did not associate this with phthisis. Minimal specific therapy was prescribed. Subsequent writers in the Hellenistic and Roman eras added little to the classic Hippocratic clinical picture of phthisis, but Celsus (1st century AD) and Galen (2nd century) first suggested that it was a contagious condition. From Themison (1st century BC) onwards, therapeutic regimes became more drastic with the addition of inter alia strict dietary regimes, purges, enemas and venesection. Celsus suggested long sea voyages with ample relaxation and a change of climate. Aretaeus (1st century AD) stressed the importance of not exacerbating the suffering of people with chronic disease by imposing aggressive therapy. Except for the introduction of more drastic therapy the concept of phthisis (tuberculosis) had thus not progressed materially in the course of the millennium between Hippocrates and the end of the Roman era – and it would indeed remain virtually static for the next 1 000 years up to the Renaissance. There is, however, some evidence that the incidence of tuberculosis decreased during the major migration of nations which characterised the late Roman Empire.


Arabica ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Joseph Sadan

AbstractWhile ostensibly aspects of poetics are best discussed within a purely literary perspective, in fact they can hardly be disconnected from their socio-cultural and religious frameworks. Al-Hārit ibn Sinān was a Christian scholar and writer who lived under Muslim rule towards the end of the ninth and apparently also the beginning of the tenth century, precisely at the time when the first fruits of the idea of the Qur‘ān's stylistic inimitability (i’ğāz) began to ripe. Although this concept played a role also in interfaith polemics throughout the Middle Ages, our author shows his temperance and restraint by praising the style of the Bible (he would appear not to have read the books of the Old Testament in the original Hebrew but demonstrated understanding and a feeling for the text through another Semitic language: Syriac), both because as a Christian living under Muslim rule he was loathe to arouse an overt controversy with the society in which he lived, and also because glorifying the style of Holy Scripture, which he had apparently inherited from the Syriac-Byzantine culture, was an important tendency in and of itself in both Jewish and Christian literature (in England, for example, upsurges of this tendency have occurred even in modern times). Nevertheless, we cannot ignore the fact that our author did compare the poetics of four cultures: that of the Hebrews, that of the Greek (or rather Greek-Byzantine, rūm), that of the Syriac elements and that of the Arabs. He even tries to prove, using somewhat specious arguments, that the Hebrew portions of the Bible contain rhymes. His positions thus deserve to be considered retrospectively also in an interfaith and intercultural context.


2020 ◽  
pp. 249-251
Author(s):  
Михаил Всеволодович Ковшов

До сих пор на русском языке не было ни одного специального пособия по неканоническим книгам Ветхого Завета, поэтому появление рецензируемого учебника нельзя не приветствовать. Тем более, что написано оно признанным специалистом своего дела, доцентом кафедры библеистики СПбДА Дмитрием Георгиевичем Добыкиным, из-под пера которого вышел уже не один добротный учебник по православной библеистике. Пособие имеет грамотную и хорошо продуманную структуру. Первая часть посвящена рассмотрению Второй книги Ездры, книг Товита, Юдифи, Премудрости Соломона, Премудрости Иисуса, сына Сирахова, Послания Иеремии, Книги пророка Варуха, трёх книг Маккавейских и Третьей книги Ездры. Каждая книга рассматривается по следующему общему плану: 1. Содержание и богословие. 2. Авторство. 3. Время и место написания. 4. Язык оригинала. 5. История текста и толкования. The book is a work of great interest to the readers of the Bible, and it is a work of great value for the reader, and for the readers of the Bible. The more so because it was written by an acknowledged specialist in his field, Associate Professor at the Department of Biblical Studies of St. Petersburg Academy of Education Dmitry Georgievich Dobykin, from whose pen came many good-quality textbooks on Orthodox biblical studies. The manual has a competent and well thought out structure. The first part is dedicated to the Second Book of Ezra, the books of Tobit, Judith, the Wisdom of Solomon, the Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach, the Epistle of Jeremiah, the Book of Baruch, the three books of Maccabees and the Third Book of Ezra. Each book is treated in the following general way: 1. Content and theology. 2. Authorship. 3. Time and place of writing. 4. The original language. 5. History of the text and interpretation.


1947 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. L. W. Laistner

The outstanding importance of allegorical interpretation to the medieval scholar engaged on interpreting the Scriptures is well known. The method, which had originated in the East and was older than Christianity, became well established in the West during the Patristic age; in its application there was a good deal of variety. Ambrosiaster in commenting on the Pauline epistles combined orthodoxy with an unswerving adherence to the historical sense. Tyconius, on the other hand, laid down no less than seven rules whereby to interpret the prophecies in the Old Testament. Augustine went further in finding allegorical meaning in passages of Holy Writ than Jerome, who always maintained a certain balance in expounding the literal and the spiritual sense. The latter is more pronounced in his earlier commentaries when he was still consciously under the influence of Origen. In his later works allegorical interpretation becomes noticeably less; but it is not wholly absent even from his unfinished commentary on Jeremiah. To Gregory the Great the sensus spiritalis and particularly the sensus moralis were of such paramount significance as almost to oust the literal meaning. His influence on Bede and through Bede, as well as directly, on later expounders of the Bible was enormous.


Author(s):  
Stephen G. Burnett

Christian Hebraism was a facet of Renaissance humanism. Biblical scholars, theologians, lawyers, physicians, astronomers, philosophers, and teachers in Latin schools sought to learn Hebrew in order to read the Old Testament in its original language, and to borrow and adapt ideas and literary forms from post-biblical Hebrew texts to meet Christian cultural and religious needs. While some medieval Christian scholars such as Nicholas of Lyra and Raymond Martin made extensive use of Hebrew in their works, not until the early 16th century were a significant number of Christians able to learn Hebrew and use it to study the Hebrew Bible and post-biblical Jewish texts. The desire of biblical humanists to read the Old Testament in Hebrew, the curiosity of Christian Kabbalists searching for ancient wisdom, and a slowly growing number of Jewish tutors and Christians who were able to provide Hebrew instruction all contributed to the growth of this movement. Jewish printers pioneered the techniques of mass-producing Hebrew books to feed this new market. Christian printers would use these same techniques to print grammars, dictionaries, and other books needed for instructing Christians. The growing conviction of Martin Luther and his followers that the Bible was the sole source of religious authority (sola scriptura) provided the most compelling reason for large numbers of Christians to learn Hebrew. The most active and innovative Protestant Hebraists during Luther’s lifetime were members of the “Upper Rhineland School of Biblical Exegesis,” including Martin Bucer, Wolfgang Capito, Conrad Pellican, and above all Sebastian Münster. Martin Luther and his Wittenberg colleagues were early adopters of the new Hebrew learning. He first learned Hebrew using Johannes Reuchlin’s Hebrew grammar, and put his knowledge to practical use when lecturing on the Old Testament and translating the Bible into German. His colleagues, above all Philip Melanchthon and Matthaeus Aurogallus, helped Luther translate and revise his translation from 1521 until his death in 1546. Luther characterized his approach to interpreting the Hebrew Bible as “Grammatica Theologica,” employing Hebrew philology to interpret the text, but also wherever possible making it “rhyme” with the New Testament. Toward the end of his life, Luther became increasingly concerned that Münster and other Hebraists were too quick to accept Jewish interpretations of many Old Testament passages, particularly verses that traditionally had been understood to be messianic prophecies. In On the Last Words of David (1543) Luther offered a model of how he interpreted the Old Testament, while sharply criticizing Christian Hebraists who followed Jewish interpretation too closely.


Traditio ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 72 ◽  
pp. 171-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK J. CLARK

This study documents the discovery of Peter Lombard's long-thought-to-be-lost lectures on the Old Testament, which were hidden in plain view in the Old Testament lectures of Stephen Langton, who lectured on the Lombard's lectures. The presence in the Lombard's lectures on Genesis of the logical theory of supposition, the single greatest advance in logical theory during the High Middle Ages, means that those lectures not only postdate the Sentences but also represent the beginning of a radical advance in speculative theology that would continue to develop through the end of the High Middle Ages. This means in turn that lectures on the Bible from the 1150s to 1200, and in particular those of the School of Paris, headed by Peter Lombard, play a central role in one of the greatest speculative developments — logical, philosophical, and theological — of the Middle Ages.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kateřina Voleková

Old Czech Summaries in Fifteenth-Century BiblesThis article focuses on some non-biblical texts accompanying Old Czech Bible translations in the Middle Ages. The oldest translation of the entire Bible into Old Czech, which comes from the 1350s, included a particular type of non-biblical texts: prefaces to biblical books. The following Old Czech revisions and new translations of the Bible were provided, to varying degrees, with other textual aids, such as the lists of Mass readings. In this paper, we focus on the so-called capitula, summaries of individual chapters of particular biblical books. In the Middle Ages, the capitula were an aid providing orientation in the text for the study of the Holy Writ in Latin. During the revision of the Czech biblical translation at the turn of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, chapter summaries in Latin were also translated. However, they are only preserved in their entirety in one manuscript, the second volume of the Litoměřice-Třeboň Bible. Other Old Czech Bibles included biblical summaries only exceptionally and selectively; the Old Czech chapter summaries survived in nine biblical manuscripts, mainly before individual chapters of selected books of the Old Testament. They were primarily intended to familiarise readers with the content of the text. The biblical summaries deserve a critical edition and further research, especially for their Old Czech vocabulary, reflecting the formation of biblical language and style in the late Middle Ages. Staroczeskie streszczenia w piętnastowiecznych tłumaczeniach BibliiNiniejszy artykuł jest poświęcony tekstom towarzyszącym staroczeskim przekładom Biblii z okresu średniowiecza. Pierwszy staroczeski przekład całej Biblii, pochodzący z lat pięćdziesiątych XIV wieku, zawierał również szczególny rodzaj tekstu: przedmowy do poszczególnych ksiąg. Zarówno jego zmodyfikowane wersje, jak i nowe przekłady, były (w różnym stopniu) zaopatrzone w teksty pomocnicze, na przykład listy czytań mszalnych. Przedstawiona analiza omawia tzw. capitula, czyli streszczenia poszczególnych rozdziałów ksiąg biblijnych. W średniowieczu stanowiły one jedyną w swoim rodzaju pomoc, umożliwiającą orientację w treści łacińskiego tekstu Pisma Świętego. Podczas modyfikacji czeskiego przekładu Biblii na przełomie XIV i XV wieku przetłumaczono również łacińskie streszczenia; zachowały się one w całości tylko w jednym manuskrypcie – drugim tomie Biblii litomierzycko-trzebońskiej. Inne biblie staroczeskie zawierały takie streszczenia tylko w wybranych rozdziałach; zachowały się one w dziewięciu manuskryptach, gdzie w większości przypadków poprzedzają poszczególne rozdziały wybranych ksiąg Starego Testamentu. Ich głównym celem było zapoznanie czytelnika z treścią tekstu biblijnego. Streszczenia, o których mowa, zasługują na krytyczne opracowanie i dalsze badania, zwłaszcza ze względu na staroczeskie słownictwo, odzwierciedlające formowanie się języka i stylu biblijnego w okresie późnego średniowiecza.


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