scholarly journals Audiovisuaalinen populaarikulttuuri osana populistista strategiaa

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 131-148
Author(s):  
Outi Hakola

Tässä artikkelissa käsittelen Donald J. Trumpia tapaustutkimuksena siitä, miten populismi on strategisesti valjastanut audiovisuaalista populaarikulttuuria käyttöönsä. Näen strategisuuden monitasoisena toimintana, jossa populaarikulttuuriset esiintymiset ja esitykset pyrkivät rakentamaan tavoiteltuja mielikuvia populismista ja populistisesta johtajuudesta. Artikkelissa tarkastelen Trumpin tunnetuksi tehnyttä televisiosarja Diiliä (The Apprentice, 2004–2017), jossa rakennettiin mielikuvia Trumpin johtajuudesta, ja Trumpien kannattajien sosiaaliseen mediaan tuottamia Trumpwave-videoita, joissa vastaavasti ylistetään näitä johtajataitoja. Sekä Trumpin omat populaarikulttuuriset esiintymiset että hänestä tehdyt esitykset osoittavat populismin ja populaarikulttuurin monitasoista suhdetta. Ensinnäkin ne osoittavat, miten populaarikulttuuria voidaan hyödyntää poliittisen imagon luomiseen osana populistista toimintaa. Toiseksi ne tuovat esille erityisesti populaarikulttuuriin liittyviä strategioita, joita ovat kertomuksellisuus, tunteiden merkitys ja osallistuva mediakulttuuri. Kertomuksellisuudella rakennetaan tarinoita, jotka ovat helposti lähestyttäviä ja tunnistettavia, kuten tositelevisiomainen pelillisyys osana politiikkaa. Kertomuksiin liittyy myös tunteellisten ja affektiivisten mielikuvien luonti esimerkiksi nostalgisuuden ja kansanomanomaisuuden avulla. Tällä tavalla katsojia kutsutaan kokemaan asioita populistisesta näkökulmasta ja vedotaan äänestäjiin ”tavallisten ihmisten” tasolla. Osallistuva mediakulttuuri mahdollistaa ”kansan” mobilisoinnin, jossa koettuja tarinoita uudelleen tuotetaan, muokataan ja jaetaan omaehtoisten viestien ja yhteisöllisyyden kautta. Kertomuksellisuuden, tunteiden ja osallistavuuden sisältä voidaan tunnistaa samoja strategioita, joita populismissa on laajasti hyödynnetty populaarikulttuuristen kontekstien ulkopuolella. Muun muassa johtajuuden, maskuliinisuuden ja intersektionaalisten sosiaalisten hierarkioiden (rotu, sukupuoli, seksuaalisuus, luokka) kautta rakennetaan populismille tyypillisiä erontekoja ”meidän” ja ”heidän” välille. Populaarikulttuurin maine laajojen yleisöjen kulttuurimuotona vahvistaakin ajatusta kansalle puhumisesta ja kansan edustamisesta. Samalla populaarikulttuurin hyödyntäminen osana populistista toimintaa korostaa tämän kulttuurimuodon potentiaalia poliittiseen, ideologiseen ja yhteiskunnalliseen vaikuttamiseen.   Audiovisual popular culture as populist strategy: Case study of Donald J. Trump   In this article, I consider Donald J. Trump as a case study of how populism has strategically utilized audiovisual popular culture. Here, I understand populist strategy as a complex phenomenon, where popular performances and representations aim to construct desired understanding of populism and populist leadership. My analysis is based on the reality television show The Apprentice (2004–2017), which enhanced Trump as a popular culture figure and built an image of his leadership, and on the Trumpwave videos where Trump’s supporters produce social media videos that idealize his populist leadership. The complex relationship between populism and popular culture is visible both in Trump’s performances and in the representations of him. First, these performances and representations show how popular culture can be used to create political brands that serve populist goals. Second, they bring forward strategies that are typical for popular culture, including importance of stories, emotions, and participatory media culture. By using recognizable and accessible stories, such as a game show model of reality television, politics becomes recognizable for general audiences. Stories often invoke emotions and affects, such as nostalgia or vulgarity, that invite audiences to experience issues from the populist viewpoint and that address the audiences through shared culture. Participatory culture enables mobilization of “the people”, who can then reproduce, modify and share their stories and experiences with their own popular culture products. Within stories, emotions, and participatory culture we can recognize the similar strategies that have been widely used by various populist movements. For example, representations of leadership, masculinity and intersectional social categories (race, gender, sexuality, class) construct typical populist differentiations between “the people” and “the elite”, or “us” and “them”. While popular culture is understood as a culture for masses, its utilization in populist narratives supports the idea of talking to and representing “the people”. At the same time, using popular culture as part of populist strategies emphasizes the political, societal and ideological potentials of popular culture.

Ethnologies ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 255-289
Author(s):  
Contessa Small

The study of children’s play activities has not only been historically trivialized, but numerous widely held misconceptions about kids, their play, folklore and popular culture continue to persist today despite evidence to the contrary. For example, some adults believe that mass media and popular culture has contributed to the decline of kids’ traditional play activities, while others argue that traditional play objects are being replaced by “media culture artifacts”; however, the child-centred fan-play research I present in this paper reveals that popular culture encourages and activates children’s traditional and creative competences, rather than destroy them. The Harry Potter “phenomenon”, as a contested site where youth struggle for visibility and power, serves as the case study for this paper. Based on ethnographic observation of several local events, surveys, and interviews with child and teenage fans of Harry Potter, I examine several emergent, participatory, fan-play activities (including costuming, role-playing, make-believe and spells) and discuss the many ways children manipulate, appropriate, adapt and combine popular culture and folklore, using both creativity and tradition as expression of their lives, identities and power struggles. I conclude by discussing the heart of contemporary children’s culture and play – the conservative/creative nature of children, hybrid play forms and the activation of traditional and creative competencies in the face of popular culture influences.


1970 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 178-201
Author(s):  
Suresh Dhakal ◽  
Sanjeev Pokharel

The people of Nepal have witnessed a number of political shifts within a comparatively short period of the country's history. The political revolution of 1950, which precedes all important political movements, eliminated the century-long Rana oligarchy and established the multiparty system. In 1960, late King Mahendra abolished the newly established multi-party system and implemented his own model of governance called the Panchayat system. The Panchayat system was designed to allow the King to rule the country according to his will, and the system alienated ordinary people from political processes. This system, too, came to an end after the popular movement of 1990 (widely known as jana andolan) which re-established the multi-party system in the country. DOI: 10.3126/opsa.v11i0.3036 Occasional Papers in Sociology and Anthropology Vol.11 2009 178-201


2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212093120
Author(s):  
Paloma Caravantes

This paper analyzes the interplay of left populist and feminist politics through a case study of Podemos (‘we can’), a Spanish left populist party that reproduces a dominant gendered logic of politics despite its feminist interpretation of democratic renewal. I argue that this is the result of fundamental contradictions between the feminist and populist projects of political transformation that coexist in the party. Even if left populism offers a more productive terrain for gender equality than right populism, central tenets of populism disrupt feminist commitments and goals. Chief among these are the oversimplification of the political field based on a limited diagnosis, the exclusionary appeals to the homeland and to a homogenizing collectivity of the people, the dominant masculine and personalistic logics of charismatic leaders, the prioritization of electoral success over other forms of political transformation, and the resulting gendered political culture that marginalizes empowerment, inclusion, and participatory democratic practices.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 942-957 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burak Özçetin

This article explores the relationship between populism, media and popular culture in Turkey by focusing on a phenomenal historical television series, Diriliş: Ertuğrul, and the discursive spaces opened by the show. The author relies on a symptomatic analysis of populism which conceptualizes the term as an anti-status quo discourse that simplifies the political space by symbolically dividing the society between ‘the people’ and its other, more specifically ‘the elites’. Diriliş is promoted by the Justice and Development Party ( Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) elite and pro-government media as ‘the show of the people’, and as a cultural artifact belonging to the people. The show has been embraced as an alternative to morally degenerate cultural products of alienated Westernist/Kemalist cultural elites. The Justice and Development Party elites used every opportunity to incorporate the series into its populist political program. The article focuses on a specific crisis moment, ‘The Golden Butterfly Awards 2016’, and the ensuing debates to show how media discourse can resonate with the populist political discourse of a political party.


Author(s):  
Anggi Septiyanti

The title of this research is "Political Marketing in Pilkada (Case Study: Victory of the Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya Pair in the Election of the Governor of South Sumatra 2018 in the City of Palembang)". This study examines the phenomenon of political marketing as a strategy in a campaign. This paper elaborates and discusses how the political marketing process carried out by the successful team of the couple Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya in Palembang City. The findings obtained from this study indicate that the political marketing process carried out by the success team of Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya in Palembang City was very structured and managed to get the voice of the people of Palembang City. The political marketing process carried out by the success team of Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya in the city of Palembang is first, showing the political products of this couple to the community such as spreading the vision and mission program of this couple to the entire Palembang City community. Secondly, to promote the people of Palembang City both through direct interaction and through print media, electronic media, and social media carried out directly by successful teams. Third, determine prices in the campaign, both in the campaign funding process and to build the price of the image of the couple. Fourth, the location of the campaign which was not only focused on one place but spread throughout the corner of the city of Palembang, because there was no major campaign in the city of Palembang.


CosmoGov ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Sri Sutjiatmi ◽  
Dwian Hartomi Akta Padma Eldo ◽  
Arif Zainudin

This paper is intended to look at the condition of Indonesia related to the still rampant occurrence of money politics which is a problem in the community when the 2019 elections simultaneously. This research takes a case study between Tegal City and Tegal Regency. The interesting thing in this study is to see how the community's assessment of the Tegal city and Tegal Regency groups regarding money politics in the 2019 elections simultaneously. The method used is a mixed method (between Mixed Methods) between quantitative and qualitative, by calculating the Solvin formula by deepening the analysis by interviewing the speakers directly. The results of the study showed that the people of Tegal City had a relatively high attitude of not paying attention to the Politics of Money in the General Election relating to the political money of the General Elections in 2019 at the same time. Unlike the people of Tegal Regency who consider money politics as a culture that is difficult to remove. Also interesting is the beginner voter group Tegal Regency has a fairly high knowledge about money politics that can damage the democratic system compared to the Beginner voters in Tegal City.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Wallenius-Korkalo

This article analyses representations of Conservative Laestadianism in contemporary Finnish and Finnish-American popular culture. Drawing from political studies, religious studies and cultural studies, the article sheds light on the ways in which Conservative Laestadianism is present in societal debate and in the cultural imagination. Focusing on religious corporeality, the article scrutinises the embodied practices of Conservative Laestadianism and the ways in which the representations participate in making sense of gender, sexuality, and power in religious communities. Contemporary understandings in popular culture are revealed through the detailed analysis of four cultural products of different genres depicting Conservative Laestadianism: a film entitled Kielletty hedelmä (Forbidden Fruit, 2009), a novel entitled We Sinners (2012), a reality television show entitled Iholla (On the Skin, 2013), and a play entitled Taivaslaulu (Heavensong, 2015). As a synthesis of the representations of Conservative Laestadianism, the article presents a dynamic triad of care, longing, and control. Furthermore, the article raises questions about the potential of popular culture in calling for a dialogue between Conservative Laestadianism and society at large.


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