[enter Paper Title]The Political Cynicism of Thais after the “The 22 May 2014 coup d'etat” : A Case Study of the People in Nakhon Ratchasima City Municipality

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sakda Nasongsi
1970 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 178-201
Author(s):  
Suresh Dhakal ◽  
Sanjeev Pokharel

The people of Nepal have witnessed a number of political shifts within a comparatively short period of the country's history. The political revolution of 1950, which precedes all important political movements, eliminated the century-long Rana oligarchy and established the multiparty system. In 1960, late King Mahendra abolished the newly established multi-party system and implemented his own model of governance called the Panchayat system. The Panchayat system was designed to allow the King to rule the country according to his will, and the system alienated ordinary people from political processes. This system, too, came to an end after the popular movement of 1990 (widely known as jana andolan) which re-established the multi-party system in the country. DOI: 10.3126/opsa.v11i0.3036 Occasional Papers in Sociology and Anthropology Vol.11 2009 178-201


2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212093120
Author(s):  
Paloma Caravantes

This paper analyzes the interplay of left populist and feminist politics through a case study of Podemos (‘we can’), a Spanish left populist party that reproduces a dominant gendered logic of politics despite its feminist interpretation of democratic renewal. I argue that this is the result of fundamental contradictions between the feminist and populist projects of political transformation that coexist in the party. Even if left populism offers a more productive terrain for gender equality than right populism, central tenets of populism disrupt feminist commitments and goals. Chief among these are the oversimplification of the political field based on a limited diagnosis, the exclusionary appeals to the homeland and to a homogenizing collectivity of the people, the dominant masculine and personalistic logics of charismatic leaders, the prioritization of electoral success over other forms of political transformation, and the resulting gendered political culture that marginalizes empowerment, inclusion, and participatory democratic practices.


Author(s):  
Anggi Septiyanti

The title of this research is "Political Marketing in Pilkada (Case Study: Victory of the Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya Pair in the Election of the Governor of South Sumatra 2018 in the City of Palembang)". This study examines the phenomenon of political marketing as a strategy in a campaign. This paper elaborates and discusses how the political marketing process carried out by the successful team of the couple Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya in Palembang City. The findings obtained from this study indicate that the political marketing process carried out by the success team of Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya in Palembang City was very structured and managed to get the voice of the people of Palembang City. The political marketing process carried out by the success team of Herman Deru-Mawardi Yahya in the city of Palembang is first, showing the political products of this couple to the community such as spreading the vision and mission program of this couple to the entire Palembang City community. Secondly, to promote the people of Palembang City both through direct interaction and through print media, electronic media, and social media carried out directly by successful teams. Third, determine prices in the campaign, both in the campaign funding process and to build the price of the image of the couple. Fourth, the location of the campaign which was not only focused on one place but spread throughout the corner of the city of Palembang, because there was no major campaign in the city of Palembang.


CosmoGov ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Sri Sutjiatmi ◽  
Dwian Hartomi Akta Padma Eldo ◽  
Arif Zainudin

This paper is intended to look at the condition of Indonesia related to the still rampant occurrence of money politics which is a problem in the community when the 2019 elections simultaneously. This research takes a case study between Tegal City and Tegal Regency. The interesting thing in this study is to see how the community's assessment of the Tegal city and Tegal Regency groups regarding money politics in the 2019 elections simultaneously. The method used is a mixed method (between Mixed Methods) between quantitative and qualitative, by calculating the Solvin formula by deepening the analysis by interviewing the speakers directly. The results of the study showed that the people of Tegal City had a relatively high attitude of not paying attention to the Politics of Money in the General Election relating to the political money of the General Elections in 2019 at the same time. Unlike the people of Tegal Regency who consider money politics as a culture that is difficult to remove. Also interesting is the beginner voter group Tegal Regency has a fairly high knowledge about money politics that can damage the democratic system compared to the Beginner voters in Tegal City.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrien Fauve

In the summer of 2009, statues stood leaning in a yard, beyond Independence Square in Astana. The situation was incongruous and constituted an enigma: Why were these monuments left alone in shambles? This paper argues that nationalistic city making is more of a resource for people involved in patron/client relationships and a contingent outcome, rather than a planned strategy. This case study, drawing on evidence gathered through qualitative methods with artists and urban-planners, hence reveals a paradox: in Kazakhstan, there surely is a state incentive to produce nationalistic symbols, but in the absence of a mid-term strategy, city-planners and the people they work with improvise in order to answer local authorities' demands, and use this opportunity to advance their own interests. Hence, the political production of space is considered a fuzzy process, contingent on the agency of multiple subjects, and treated as an outcome of Foucauldian “micro-physics of power.” But even though it is erratic, it still creates the built environment which will be reacted upon by citizens. Finally, this sociopolitical perspective on nationalistic urbanism demonstrates that Astana's scenery is a fuzzy “landscape of power” instituting an erratic Kazakhstani regime, based on the political economy of symbolic goods.


2011 ◽  
Vol 206 ◽  
pp. 391-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yen-lin Chung

AbstractWhen the king went astray, the people suffered for it. Just as a wayward king needed loyal and capable courtiers to implement his wishes, so too did Mao Zedong in the People's Republic of China. The Anti-Rightist Campaign was one of Mao's controversial policies, and involved him delegating his trusted followers to implement his political initiatives. This article examines how the Central Secretariat, led by Deng Xiaoping, effectively implemented and strictly supervised the process, as well as the negative influences of the Central Secretariat on this witch-hunt-like campaign. It thus provides a case study of how the Central Secretariat operated and functioned as a powerful political apparatus in the political processes of the Chinese Communist Party during the pre-Cultural Revolution period.


Author(s):  
Matteo CM Casiraghi

This article focuses on discourses on populism, presenting a case study on the United Kingdom. Analysing all references to populism in the British Parliament from 1970 to 2018, this article provides a framework to think about rhetoric and populism, a method to investigate political attitudes, and insights about the debate on populism in the United Kingdom. Results show that from the 1970s to the 1990s politicians interpret populism in demagogical terms and most often refer to the category of the political role of ‘the people’. More recently, negative references and personal attacks increase, and politicians refer to different categories. Moreover, the analysis shows how British politicians employ epideictic and forensic rhetorical strategies more often when debating about populism, whereas deliberative strategies rarely emerge. Finally, the investigation over the 2015–2018 period shows that government membership, a distant election, and a right-wing party membership increase the likelihood of rhetorical positive interpretations of populism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 435
Author(s):  
Sanny Nofrima ◽  
Sonny Sudiar ◽  
Eko Priyo Purnomo

The original Javanese culture of the communities in Java has been running for decades, meaning that this culture has been very rich in elements of universal culture such as the system of social organization, knowledge, arts, religion, and language. Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat Palace plays an essential role as the center and cultural resource owned by the city of Yogyakarta; one of the areas that are still famous for its cultural guardians, traditions, and behaviors of an ancestor. This research used qualitative methods to obtain data through literature reviews and interviews. Literature review and interview results then became analytical material and adapted to the existing frame of thought as a result of the library studies conducted at the beginning. Then after the analysis process was completed, the results were obtained. This research revealed that the Javanese culture in the people of Yogyakarta affected the political ideology because when speaking about Javanese culture, three aspects cannot be separated in the Javanese community, especially Yogyakarta, Javanese culture, Belief, and religion. A contest will always be syncretism, cannot be constantly intact on assimilation, and acculturation is even alienated (to be drawn). As long as the Javanese people still exist, the Javanese culture will remain alive and develop when the relics of letters, dialectics, and cultures still exist.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdi Karya

This study is a study of the victory of local parties with a case study of Aceh Party's victory in legislative elections in Aceh Tamiang District 2009. The focus discusses why the Aceh Party (PA) can win the legislative elections in Aceh Tamiang District 2009. The method used is descriptive-qualitative method, The research are emphasized on giving an objective picture about the actual state of the object under study. However, in order to obtain broader benefits in this study, in addition to the fact also the provision of strong interpretations. With the technique of collecting interview data and documentation and data analysis techniques using descriptive analysis. The findings of this study include four things that are the factors winning the Aceh Party in the 2009 Election. First, the factors of political strategy; Secondly, there is a solid political machine; Third, the political culture of the people of Aceh Tamiang; Fourth, the political atmosphere. Furthermore, there were also four things to be the inhibiting factors experienced by the Aceh Party in the 2009 Election. Firstly, the funding factor; Secondly, the existence of intimidation; Third, party infrastructure; Fourth, 30% quota of female candidates


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