The Metrical Structure of Macedonian Dance

1974 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice Singer
Keyword(s):  
Metrical Structure

Metrical Structure and Jaw Displacement: An Exploration

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donna Erickson ◽  
Shigeto Kawahara ◽  
J.C. Williams ◽  
Jeff Moore ◽  
Atsuo Suemitsu ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Metrical Structure

Parallelism as a Factor in Metrical Analysis

2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Temperley ◽  
Christopher Bartlette
Keyword(s):  
Current Model ◽  
Metrical Structure ◽  
Metrical Analysis

A model is proposed of the effect of parallelism on meter. It is wellknown that repeated patterns of pitch and rhythm can affect the perception of metrical structure. However, few attempts have been made either to define parallelism precisely or to characterize its effect on metrical analysis. The basic idea of the current model is that a repeated melodic pattern favors a metrical structure in which beats are placed at parallel points in each occurrence of the pattern. By this view, parallelism affects the period of the metrical structure (the distance between beats) rather than the phase (exactly where the beats occur). This model is implemented and incorporated into the metrical program of D. Temperley and D. Sleator (1999). Several examples of the model's output are presented; we examine problems with the model and discuss possible solutions.

Mesoamerica

2020 ◽  
pp. 407-427
Author(s):  
Christian DiCanio ◽  
Ryan Bennett
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Complex Tone ◽  
Prosodic Structure ◽  
Metrical Structure ◽  
Linguistic Typology ◽  
Areal Distribution ◽  
History Of ◽  
Mesoamerican Languages

The Mesoamerican linguistic area is rich with prosodic phenomena, including a wide variety of complex tone, phonation, stress, and intonational systems. The diversity of prosodic patterns in Mesoamerica reflects the extreme time-depth and complex history of the languages spoken there. This chapter surveys the prosody of Mesoamerican languages and some past analyses of their structures. Topics include the areal distribution of tonal complexity; interactions between stress, tone, and segmental contrasts; the phonetics of tone and phonation; metrical structure; and higher-level prosodic phenomena. Case studies from different languages also highlight interactions between morphological and word-prosodic structure. These topics underscore the importance of research on Mesoamerican languages to both phonological theory and linguistic typology.

Rate Limits of On-Beat and Off-Beat Tapping With Simple Auditory Rhythms

2005 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruno H. Repp
Keyword(s):  
Dependent Measure ◽  
Physical Structure ◽  
Pitch Accent ◽  
Finger Tapping ◽  
Adaptive Procedure ◽  
Metrical Structure ◽  
Relative Difficulty

THE RELATIVE DIFFICULTY of on-beat and off-beat finger tapping with simple auditory rhythms was assessed in four experiments with musically trained participants. The rhythms consisted of cyclically repeated TT0 or TTT0 patterns, where T denotes the presence and 0 denotes the absence of a tone. The tasks were to tap in synchrony with one of the T ("on-beat") positions or with the 0 ("off-beat") position. Experiments 1-3 used an adaptive procedure that determined the fastest tempo at which each task could be accomplished. Experiment 1 demonstrated that it is easier to tap on tones that carry a rhythmic grouping accent (T2 in TT0, T1 and T3 in TTT0) than on other tones or in the 0 position. Off-beat tapping was more difficult in TT0 than in TTT0 sequences. Experiment 2 showed that a dynamic ( pitch) accent on one of the tones facilitates synchronization with that tone and impedes synchronization with adjacent tones. Off-beat tapping was less affected by accent location. Experiment 3 required participants to "hear" different T positions as metrically accented (i.e., to construe them as the downbeat) while carrying out the various tapping tasks. Most participants found it difficult to maintain a cognitive downbeat at fast tempi when it did not coincide with their taps. However, when such a downbeat could be maintained, it did not seem to increase the difficulty of tapping (with one exception). This suggests a unidirectional dependence of metrical structure on action. In Experiment 4, the same tasks were presented at more moderate tempi, and the dependent measure was the variability of asynchronies. Metrical downbeat location still did not have any significant effect. Thus, synchronization difficulty seems to be affected only by a rhythm's physical structure, not by the cognitive interpretation that is given to that structure.

scholarly journals XXXI. Further Observations on the Poetry of our Anglo-Saxon Ancestors, by the Rev. J.J. Conybeare, M.A. Professor of Poetry in the University of Oxford; addressed in a second Letter to Henry Ellis, Esq. F.R.S. Secretary

Archaeologia ◽  
1814 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 267-274
Author(s):  
J.J. Conybeare
Keyword(s):  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
Metrical Structure ◽  
University Of Oxford ◽  
The University

In the last communication, which I had the honor of submitting through your kindness to the Society, I endeavoured to prove that the poetical compositions of the Anglo-Saxons were distinguished from their prose by the continual use of a certain definite rhythm, and to investigate, as far as I was able, the metrical structure of those venerable and interesting remains. I now proceed to add such further remarks on their peculiar characteristics, as have been suggested to me by an attentive though partial examination of the principal works of this description preserved either in print or in manuscript.

scholarly journals Magis rythmus quam metron

1970 ◽  
Vol 62 ◽  
pp. 59-74
Author(s):  
Lieven Danckaert
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Metrical Structure ◽  
Greek Comedy ◽  
The Common

In this contribution I analyze the metrical structure of Seneca's anapaests.After a brief introduction, I first develop a theoretical framework, with specialattention to the boundaries of metrical periods. In the next sections, Ichallenge the common practice of subdividing long anapaestic passages intosocalled anapaestic dimeters. I propose a new analysis in which such a subdivisionis not made, yielding a structure that formally resembles the πνιγη ofclassical Greek comedy.

Textkritisches zu Sapph. Fr. 90a, col. III 22–23 V.

2014 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luca Benelli
Keyword(s):  
Metrical Structure

Abstract Textual notes and new reconstruction of Sappho Fr. 90a, col. III 22-23 V. (from a papyrus commentary: P. Oxy. XXI 2293). In l. 23 ἀν[εμ]ο̣φορητο[ cannot be a lemma from a poem of Sappho, as printed by Voigt, because it has an impossible metrical structure and seems to be a late and prose word, not a poetic one. It also belongs to the language of exegetic and scholiastic works. An analysis of its occurrences could help to reconstruct the original Sapphic passage.

The metrical organization of Classical Sanskrit verse

2007 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
ASHWINI S. DEO
Keyword(s):  
Line Length ◽  
Temporal Organization ◽  
Underlying Structure ◽  
Metrical Structure ◽  
Vast Number ◽  
Small Set ◽  
Sanskrit Verse ◽  
Periodic Repetition ◽  
Linguistic Material

In generative metrics, a meter is taken to be an abstract periodic template with a set of constraints mapping linguistic material onto it. Such templates, constrained by periodicity and line length, are usually limited in number. The repertoire of Classical Sanskrit verse meters is characterized by three features which contradict each of the above properties – (a) templates constituted by arbitrary syllable sequences without any overtly discernible periodic repetition: APERIODICITY, (b) absolute faithfulness of linguistic material to a given metrical template: INVARIANCE, and (c) a vast number of templates, ranging between 600–700: RICH REPERTOIRE. In this paper, I claim that in spite of apparent incompatibility, Sanskrit meters are based on the same principles of temporal organization as other versification traditions, and can be accounted for without significant alterations to existing assumptions about metrical structure. I demonstrate that a majority of aperiodic meters are, in fact, surface instantiations of a small set of underlying quantity-based periodic templates and that aperiodicity emerges from the complex mappings of linguistic material to these templates. Further, I argue that the appearance of a rich repertoire is an effect of nomenclatural choices and poetic convention and not variation at the level of underlying structure.

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