A Neglected Passage on the Three Unities of the French Classic Drama

PMLA ◽  
1908 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-315
Author(s):  
H. Carrington Lancaster

The need for critical research in at least one field of modern literature is exemplified by the lack of exact information regarding the establishment on the French stage of the three dramatic unities that characterized so markedly many pieces of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Although our knowledge of the history of these unities has been increased by several works that have recently appeared, a number of facts concerning them remain to be determined, as Dannheisser, the chief authority on the subject, has clearly shown. Thus, while demonstrating that these unities of action, time, and place were not imposed at one time, but, developing separately, came only after a half century into general acceptance and a rigorously narrow form, he has left unfixed the date at which they were first singled out in seventeenth century France as the distinguishing marks of the classic drama.

1859 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 381-457 ◽  

The necessity of discussing so great a subject as the Theory of the Vertebrate Skull in the small space of time allotted by custom to a lecture, has its advantages as well as its drawbacks. As, on the present occasion, I shall suffer greatly from the disadvantages of the limitation, I will, with your permission, avail myself to the uttermost of its benefits. It will be necessary for me to assume much that I would rather demonstrate, to suppose known much that I would rather set forth and explain at length; but on the other hand, I may consider myself excused from entering largely either into the history of the subject, or into lengthy and controversial criticisms upon the views which are, or have been, held by others. The biological science of the last half-century is honourably distinguished from that of preceding epochs, by the constantly increasing prominence of the idea, that a community of plan is discernible amidst the manifold diversities of organic structure. That there is nothing really aberrant in nature; that the most widely different organisms are connected by a hidden bond; that an apparently new and isolated structure will prove, when its characters are thoroughly sifted, to be only a modification of something which existed before,—are propositions which are gradually assuming the position of articles of faith in the mind of the investigators of animated nature, and are directly, or by implication, admitted among the axioms of natural history.


1892 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 145-165
Author(s):  
Horace Rumbold

In the course of extensive researches in which I have been engaged for some years on the subject of the history of the Rumbold family during the seventeenth century, and more especially at the period immediately preceding the Restoration, I came across a paper in the British Museum which has never, as far as I know, been made public, and is, perhaps, not unworthy to find a place among the Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. The curious document in question is headed A Particular of the Services performed by me Henry Rumbold for His Majesty.


1970 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-89
Author(s):  
G. B. Lauf

Most of the current literature in the field of gyroscopic theory and in the use of gyroscopic instruments for the determination of azimuth begins the historical account of the subject with the work of Leon Foucault during the period 1850-1852. But little is known of the work in this field by others during the preceding half century. In this paper, the development of the gyroscope and gyro compass is traced back to a date earlier than 1813.


1905 ◽  
Vol 51 (212) ◽  
pp. 1-51
Author(s):  
W. Lloyd Andriezen

Science, whose high aim it is to investigate Nature, to under stand her secret workings, and thus to win for man the mastery of Nature, must set out with the conviction that Nature is intelligible, comprehensible, and conquerable. In the domain of biological science the problem of heredity occupies a position of great importance, one full of interest to every student of life. For the serious thinker who has not only looked backwards and studied the past of the human race but is inspired by ideals and desires for its future good, the subject of heredity provides an inspiring theme for contemplation and study. The development of our knowledge and the history of human endeavours to reach a complete understanding of the phenomena and conditions of heredity form one of the most interesting chapters in human evolution. Theories of heredity, like theories regarding other phenomena of life, have been expressed in three sets of terms: theological, metaphysical, and scientific. It required no skilled observation of early man to see that in the act of fecundation the male furnished the seminal substance, whereas the female seemed to furnish nothing except the receptacle or “mould,” in the form of the womb, within which the fótus was formed. Thus, what was more natural than to suppose that heredity was solely paternal, that the male element was the germ or seed, and the female organs the soil, in which, by some mysterious process, growth and development of the germ took place. This view of heredity has been expounded in the Manava Dharma-Sastra, one of the ancient sacred books of the Hindus (Delage, L'hérédité, 1903, p. 380). The same view, more or less modified according to the prevailing state of knowledge, was current among the ancient Greeks (Eristratos, Diogenes, and others). Galen and the school of philosophers of Alexandria also upheld the doctrine of the paternal factor of heredity, and thus constituted themselves the school of the Spermatists. Spermatist views prevailed for many centuries, and when towards the close of the seventeenth century Leeuwenhoeck discovered the presence of spermatozoa by the aid of the microscope, the spermatists had a season of rejoicing. Hartsoeker (1694) supposed that within the spermatozoon there was a little being, a human being, in miniature, with all its parts and organs complete, and figured a spermatozoon (highly magnified, of course) in which the little “homunculus” is to be seen seated within the “head” of the former with its arms and legs folded together in small compass, somewhat like a fcetus in utero. The theory of the spermatists was not destined to remain in undisputed possession of the field. The rival school of Harvey in the sixteenth century taught that the semen or sperm did not fertilise the ovum nor even enter the womb, but that it fertilised the entire constitution of the mother by a sort of contagion which rendered her capable of acting as the stimulus of development for the ova in the uterus, and Descartes, in the early part of the seventeenth century, entertained the same views. The ovists now claimed that all the organs of the future being already existed, preformed in miniature, in the ovum, as opposed to the spermatists, who claimed the same preformed structure for the spermatozoon. To the ovists, therefore, the act of fecundation was only an impulse or stimulus to development communicated by the male element to the ovum; the male contributed nothing material in forming the parts and organs of the fótus which existed, preformed in the ovum, so that the child was the product of the mother alone. Among the upholders of the ovist theory, in the eighteenth century were Malpighi, Haller, Bonnet, and Spallanzani. Difficulties, however, arose over both these theories of exclusive inheritance, for the ovists could not explain how the offspring sometimes resembled the father rather than the mother, and the spermatists could not account for cases of close resemblance between the mother and offspring, while neither could, again, account for cases of the mixed or blended resemblance of the offspring to both parents. The theory of preformation gradually lost its interest and its vitality, and received its death-blow at the hands of Wolff (1759), who, not only by theoretical arguments but by indisputable facts as to the nature and process of development of the hen's egg, demonstrated the baselessness of the fancies of the pre-formationists, whether of the spermatic or ovarian school. Finally, there gradually grew up in the nineteenth century the modem view that the male and female (germ and sperm) cells of the respective parents contributed in equal, or nearly equal, proportions to the constitution of the embryo, and that the environment and nourishment of the fertilised ovum during its growth and evolution in the womb was a third factor of importance, especially in the case of those animals which went through a long period of intra-uterine growth and evolution, as in the case of man and the higher mammals.


Luke Howard, F.R.S., is an outstanding figure in the history of meteorology (1). His published works, notably The Climate of London (1818) based on his observations, were landmarks in the early history of the subject, while his theories of the causes of rain and the influence of atmospheric electricity on precipitation have been largely confirmed by modern investigation. His most significant contribution to the science, however, was the publication, in 1803, in his ‘Essay on the Modification of Clouds’ (5), of the first classification of the cloud formations on a scientific basis which found general acceptance: his Latin terminology—cirrus, cumulus, stratus and their modifications, including nimbus, the rain-cloud—is still employed in the modern classification of cloud forms (2).


PMLA ◽  
1961 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 200-204
Author(s):  
Quentin M. Hope

Saint-Evremond has earned a place in the history of seventeenth-century dramatic criticism as a fervent admirer of Corneille and a hostile critic of Racine. His strong affinity for Molière is less well-known, because he wrote very little about him. Not considering himself a professional author, he never felt the need to give full expression to his opinions on literature, or on any subject. In his youth he was primarily a railleur; as literary criticism, his first work, La Comédie des académistes, is a pungent satirical attack on pretension, triviality, and excessive concern with minutiae of vocabulary and technique. The satirical impulse remains present, in a more subdued form, in most of his later works. He probes into the weaknesses of ancient and modern literatures more frequently than he celebrates their merits. His discussions of authors he particularly admires, Montaigne, Voiture, Malherbe, Cervantes, are very brief. Most of his critical essays are directed against aberrations in judgment, insufficiencies, and misconceptions. Dissertation sur Alexandre, Sur les caractères des tragédies, A un auteur qui me demandait mon sentiment d'une pièce où l'héroïne ne faisait que se lamenter, Discours sur les historiens français, Sur nos comédies, De la comédie italienne, Sur les opéras, Observations sur le goüt et le discernement des français—all these are essays emphasizing various weaknesses in modern literature and taste. Réflexions sur nos traducteurs and Du merveilleux qui se trouve dans les poèmes des anciens are equally critical of certain aspects of ancient literature, while De la tragédie ancienne et moderne is an attack on both. It is true that a large part of his criticism of the drama deals with Corneille, whom he admired more than any other author, but his defense of Corneille often takes the form of an attack against the corrupt modern taste which has turned against him. His searching and critical mind preferred to contradict a generally accepted opinion, to reveal the hidden weaknesses of a universally admired work, rather than to define the qualities of the authors it enjoyed.


Author(s):  
Lola Josa

Resum: El paisatge bucòlic es va convertir en una espècie de partitura i de joc metalíric en els tons barrocs de tal manera que sembla com si els intèrprets i les veus que els canten només tinguessin que seguir les indicacions que els tòpics poètics dicten des del text per a que la sonoritat, l’harmonia i la música fossin possibles. Resulta molt curiós també que, tan tardanament, fos a propòsit de l’amor bucolicopastoral el pretext amb què l’incipient art del to es mostrés més experimental. Només aquest motiu musical podria justificar, que, a principis del segle XVII, proliferessin les composicions de tons de temàtica bucòlica i d’aquells altres que estan centrats en una Natura, si bé no idealitzada, no advertida pel més tardà panteisme egocèntric. En aquest treball ens centrarem, per tant, en les causes d’aquest esforç d’originalitat musical i de llurs èxits, així com la repercussió que va tenir en la poesia musicada. També seguirem l’evolució poeticomusical del to bucolicopastoral de la mà dels millors compositors peninsulars (alguns encara desconeguts) per a terminar oferint les característiques més significatives que permeten fixar-lo com una de les importants tipologies de la història de la música peninsular del segle XVII.. Paraules clau: to barroc, poesia i música del segle XVII, bucolisme líric, estudi interdisciplinar, llenguatge poeticomusical.   Abstract: The bucolic landscape became a kind of sheet music and metalyrical game in baroque tonos in such a way that it seems as if the performers and the voices that sing them have only to follow the indications that the poetic topics dictate from the text so that the sonority, harmony and music were possible. It is very curious also that, so belatedly, it was on the subject of pastoral-bucolic love the pretext with which the incipient art of the tono was more experimental. Only this musical motif could justify, that, at the beginning of the XVII century, the compositions of bucolic tonos proliferated and of those others that are centered in a Nature, although not idealized, not noticed by the later egocentric pantheism. In this work we will focus, therefore, on the causes of this effort of musical originality and its achievements, as well as the repercussion that it had on musicalized poetry. We will also follow the poetic-musical evolution of the bucolic-pastoral tono along with the best peninsular composers (some still unknown) to end up offering the most significant characteristics that allow us to fix it as one of the important typologies of the history of the peninsular music of the XVII century. Keywords: Baroque tono; Poetry and music of the seventeenth century; Lyric bucolicism; Interdisciplinary study; Poetic-musical language.  


Author(s):  
Matthew C. Augustine

The argument of this book follows two main themes: the first has to do with periodicity; the second with politics, especially as a framework within which to view seventeenth-century literature. This chapter maps the disciplinary paradigms which have long produced a view of the seventeenth century saturated by high-definition contrasts: between the earlier and later Stuart periods, but also between factions and ideologies. It then asks what it would look like to write the history of seventeenth-century literature anew, to tell a story about imaginative and polemical writing in this age that remained open to accident and unevenness, to contradiction and uncertainty. Giving illustrative consideration to John Dryden, Andrew Marvell, and John Milton, the chapter begins to suggest some new ways of conceiving how these writers might relate to one other and to the politics and aesthetics of a long seventeenth century.


John Wallis (1616-1703), one of the original Fellows of the Royal Society, was a scholar of amazing versatility. Though born into an age of intellectual giants he rapidly acquired a commanding place even among that brilliant group which has made the seventeenth century illustrious in the history of science. More than once he blazed the trail which led to some epoch-making discovery. When Newton modestly declared ‘If I have seen further it is by standing on ye sholders of Giants’, he no doubt had the name of John WalHs well before his mind. Walks was born on 23 November 1616, at Ashford in East Kent, a country town of which his father was rector. On the death of his father, Wallis was sent to school at Ashford. Later he was moved to Tenter den, where he came under the care of Mr James Movat, and even in his earliest years he distinguished himself by that singular aptitude for learning which was to remain with him till the closing years of his life. At the age of fourteen he went to Felsted, and here he acquired a marked proficiency not only in Latin and Greek, but also in Hebrew. From Felsted he entered Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and although his interest in mathematics dates from this period, he gave no evidence of unusual talent for the subject; this, he complains was because there was no one in the University to direct his studies. Divinity was his dominant interest. In 1640 he was ordained, and four years later he was appointed, together with Adoniram Byfield, Secretary to the Assembly of Divines at Westminster. Possibly on account of his ecclesiastical duties, which absorbed much of his time and energy, his early promise as a mathematician still remained unfulfilled.


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 291-295
Author(s):  
J. S.

The subject of this study is the process of change which affected the teaching of philosophy in the secondary education system in the first phase of the Polish Enlightenment in the mid-18th century. Historians of science and philosophy have treated those changes as a spontaneous and uncritical attempt to include the problems of modem natural science seventeenth-century systems of philosophy, and ethical and social issues of the Enlightenment into the systematic exposition of Christian Aristotelianism, all despite the avowed opposition to these modes of culture. Hence the contemporary so-called 'philosophia recentiorum' has usually been regarded as a form of eclecticism, that is as a form structurally and culturally inconsistent, transitory, incomplete and dependent. Emphasis has also been laid on the impact Ch. Wolff allegedly had on the first stage of the Polish Enlightenment, the impact then replaced by English and French influences.


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