Settling the Canadian Colonies: A Comparison of Two Nineteenth-Century Land Companies

2002 ◽  
Vol 76 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-335
Author(s):  
Anatole Browde
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
British Government ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Economic Climate ◽  
Eastern Townships ◽  
The Government ◽  
Canada Company ◽  
Land Companies ◽  
Surplus Population

Two British land companies, the Canada Company and the British American Land Company (BALC), were active during the nineteenth century in settling what are now Ontario and the Eastern Townships of Quebec. Both purchased large tracts of land from the British government, with two goals: to provide funds for the governors of Canada and to relieve Britain of its surplus population. The Canada Company worked closely with the government to meet these objectives, whereas BALC indulged in land speculation and made immigration a secondary priority. One was successful, and the other struggled throughout its existence. Their success or failure was the directresult of how well they dealt with both the changing economic climate and the British and Canadian political situation.

scholarly journals Novel market inefficiencies from early Victorian times

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Odlyzko
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Economic Incentives ◽  
Bond Market ◽  
Government Bond ◽  
British Government ◽  
Victorian Culture ◽  
Market Inefficiencies ◽  
Corporate Capitalism ◽  
The Government ◽  
Pricing Anomaly

A previously unknown pricing anomaly existed for a few years in the late 1840s in the British government bond market, in which the larger and more liquid of two very large bonds was underpriced. None of the published mechanisms explains this phenomenon. It may be related to another pricing anomaly that existed for much of the nineteenth century in which terminable annuities were significantly underpriced relative to so-called ‘perpetual’ annuities that dominated the government bond market. The reasons for these mispricings seem to lie in the early Victorian culture, since the basic economic incentives as well as laws and institutions were essentially the familiar modern ones. This provides new perspectives on the origins and nature of modern corporate capitalism.

Parties and Issues in Early Victorian England

1966 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
William O. Aydelotte
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Other ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Victorian England ◽  
Parliamentary Reform ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Oratory

It has never been established how far, in the early Victorian House of Commons, voting on issues followed party lines. It might in general seem plausible to assume — what political oratory generally contrives to suggest — that there are ideological disagreements between parties and that it makes a difference which of two major opposing parties is in control of the Government. This is, indeed, the line taken by some students of politics. A number of historians and political observers have, however, inclined to the contrary opinion and have, for various reasons, tended to play down the role of issues in party disputes. Much of what has been written on political history and, in particular, on the history of Parliament has had a distinct anti-ideological flavor.One line of argument is that issues on which disagreement exists are not always party questions. Robert Trelford McKenzie begins his study of British parties by pointing out that Parliament just before 1830 was “divided on a great issue of principle, namely Catholic emancipation,” and just after 1830, on another, parliamentary reform. He continues: “But on neither issue was there a clear division along strict party lines.” The distinguished administration of Sir Robert Peel in the 1840s was based, according to Norman Gash, on a party “deeply divided both on policy and personalities.” The other side of the House at that time is usually thought to have been even more disunited. It has even been suggested that, in the confused politics of the mid-nineteenth century, the wordsconservativeandradicaleach meant so many different things that they cannot be defined in terms of programs and objectives and that these polarities may more usefully be considered in terms of tempers and approaches.

IV. The British Government and Imperial Economic Unity, 1890–1895

1970 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luke Trainor
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
The Other ◽  
Trade Protection ◽  
British Government ◽  
Very Old ◽  
Tariff Reform ◽  
Triangular Relationship

When Joseph Chamberlain launched his striking tariff reform campaign in 1903 he was contributing to a very old debate. At the centre of the discussion had usually been the triangular relationship between free trade, protection and imperial unity. Were preferential tariffs compatible with British free trade? Was imperial preference necessary to maintain imperial unity? Could an empire divided against itself on tariff questions stand? Questions of that type became increasingly pertinent in the last decades of the nineteenth century. Entry for British exports into continental markets had become more difficult in the 'eighties, not only because of the tariff barriers which were more prominent but also because Britain found herself with few bargaining counters in the European tariff negotiations. The Anglo-French commercial treaty of 1860 had provided that neither party would, in its own country, subject the produce of the other party to higher duties than similar produce from other countries. This Most-Favoured-Nation clause had been the basis of a series of commercial treaties linking the European nations. The new network which arose in the ’eighties, covering Europe and the Americas, was negotiated largely without British intervention and the classification and rates were not designed to favour Britain. Britain sometimes even had difficulty in securing renewal of her M.F.N. agreements.

scholarly journals The political situation in Syria during the Al-Ahed Al- Fusaily by addressing of Al-Asma newspaper (1919-1920): الأوضاع السياسية في سوريا في العهذ الفيصلي (1919 - 1920) من خلال افتتاحيات صحيفة العاصمة السورية

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maysoon Mansour Obeidat
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
The Other ◽  
Arab State ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Government ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
French Mandate ◽  
History Of

The purpose of the study is to analyze the political situation in Syria during the ALahed AL Fusaily by addressing of Al- Asma newspaper (1919-1920), in addition to Prince Faisal's role internally and externally during the Peace Conference in 1920, And the unity of the States of the Levant, to be the basis for the launch of a wider Arab unity, and the statement of conspiracy allies on the Arabs, especially France and its attempts to occupy Syria, and then efforts by the Syrian Arab state to prevent this, and also briefly discussed Prince Faisal talks and meetings and correspondence with the British government from Hand and To the governments and political and popular bodies in Syria, Lebanon and Palestine on the other hand, which revolves around ways to achieve the unity of the countries of the Levant, and then review the role of the Syrian press in the history of modern Arabs in general and Syrian history in particular, where appeared in the early twentieth century newspapers in Arabic, In the Arab nationalist thought, as a result of which was persecuted by the Ottoman Empire, and then the French mandate.  

Legal Advice, the Foreign Office, and Britain’s Neutrality Policy, 1870–1914

2021 ◽  
pp. 66-85
Author(s):  
Gabriela A. Frei
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
British Government ◽  
Government Administration ◽  
Legal Advice ◽  
Legal Challenges ◽  
State Practice ◽  
Foreign Office ◽  
The Government

As the predominant sea power in the nineteenth century, Britain shaped the understanding of neutrality at sea prior to 1914 like no other nation. This chapter examines how Britain formulated its neutrality policy in the aftermath of the American Civil War, and how this policy was implemented in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–1871, the Sino-French War of 1884–1885, and the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905. Each conflict posed new legal challenges. It focuses on how the British government received legal advice, and how the government administration of foreign affairs changed as a result of the growing importance of legal advice in international politics. While the Foreign Office was responsible for the implementation of the neutrality policy, this chapter highlights the importance of the Law Officers of the Crown who, as the principal legal advisers of the British government, shaped state practice and, more generally, the understanding of neutrality at sea.

Chapter 5: The International Payments Problem and British Economic Policy

1961 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 44-49
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Economic Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Present System ◽  
Productive Capacity ◽  
British Government ◽  
National Currencies ◽  
The Government ◽  
Do So

If there were no external payments problem, the British Government could safely encourage a considerably faster rate of domestic economic expansion than in fact seems likely during 1961. It could do so without straining the productive capacity of the economy and without causing any more rapid increase in prices than is likely to occur in any case. Yet, because of the desire to reduce the risks to the international position of sterling, it is probable that the Government will once again consider it impossible to encourage economic growth.The most important policy questions for 1961 are to ask what action the Government can take to solve two fundamental and closely related problems. One is that of the underlying disequilibrium in the British payments position; the other is that of the difficulties caused both to Britain and to the United States by the present system for settling international payments, involving the international use of the national currencies of these two countries.

The Diversion of Waters Affecting the United States and Canada

1938 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 488-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Simsarian
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Great Lakes ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Legal Rights ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
The Government ◽  
Government Of Canada

The submission by the Government of the United States to the Government of Canada on May 28, 1938, of a rewritten draft of a Great Lakes-St. Lawrence waterway treaty brings to the forefront again the desirability of concluding a comprehensive agreement between the two Governments for a mutually advantageous utilization of the available navigation and power resources along the boundary basin. In view of the heightened interest in both the United States and Canada, a reexamination of the diplomatic correspondence between the United States and Great Britain and Canada since the end of the nineteenth century regarding the diversion of waters in the United States or in Canada which affected interests in the other country is opportune. It is of significance to note the positions taken by the United States and Great Britain and, later, Canada, in diplomatic negotiations and by significant municipal acts, as to the legal rights of the United States and Canada to the use or diversion of (1) boundary waters, (2) waters which are tributary (and entirely within the territory of one country) to boundary waters, and (3) waters of rivers flowing across the boundary. The distinction between the first situation and the second and third is an important one to observe.

Lord Salisbury and the Ottoman Massacres

1972 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Marsh
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Near East ◽  
Prison Inmates ◽  
British Government ◽  
Territorial Integrity ◽  
Moral Indignation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Independent Individual ◽  
Steady Force

In 1876, and again from 1894 to 1896, thousands of Christians in Bulgaria and Armenia, then provinces of the Ottoman Empire, were massacred by Turkish troops, local irregulars known with romantic barbarity as bashi-bazouks, and Moslem tribesmen. The victims were raped or mutilated, many were burned alive. Weeks later streets were littered with corpses. The Armenians, even in the best of times, were subjected to an almost systematic starvation: Moslem tribesmen were permitted to take the crops of Armenian farms when times were peaceful, and to burn them in periods of violence. Naturally such treatment provoked insurrections, which renewed the cycle of repression.These massacres drove a section of the English public to peaks of moral indignation. Nonconformist ministers and liberal academics, and their followers, were imbued with a reverence for the independent individual. High church clergy had rediscovered a religious affinity with the ancient Churches of the Near East. Humanitarian concern for the sufferings of one's fellow men – prison inmates and child laborers at home, for example, or slaves abroad – had been a steady force in the nineteenth century, and fortified these sectarian sensitivities. These Englishmen would have been distressed by the Ottoman massacres even if the British Government had been in no way involved. Since they believed the Government to be in fact gravely responsible, they conducted extensive political agitations.Britain was the foremost defender of the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire.

Calhoun's Idea of “Concurrent Majority” and the Constitutional Theory of Hegel

1939 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 585-590
Author(s):  
Gunnar Heckscher
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Constitutional Theory ◽  
Federal System ◽  
German Empire ◽  
Valuable Source ◽  
American Experience ◽  
The Government

It is a well-known fact that the writings of John C. Calhoun were read and admired by German political theorists in the latter part of the nineteenth century. When the problems of federalism became predominant in the German Empire, it was found natural to turn to American experience and to study the works of the leaders of contending factions in the United States before the Civil War.There may, however, be another reason why Calhoun, in particular, proved such a valuable source for the German authors. His theory of the concurrent majority, in many parts, presents a striking resemblance to the arguments advanced on the continent of Europe in defense of legislatures built on representation, not of individuals, but of groups, interests, or estates. It can be assumed that Calhoun, when speaking of the safeguards necessary against the despotism of the numerical majority, was thinking primarily of the federal system and states' rights. On the other hand, he can hardly have regarded this arrangement as the only possible solution to his problem. He defines the government of the concurrent majority as one “where the organism is perfect, excludes the possibility of oppression, by giving to each interest, or portion, or order,—where there are established classes,—the means of protecting itself, by its negative, against all measures calculated to advance the peculiar interests of others at its expense.” Especially in view of the expression “where there are established classes,” it seems safe to say that Calhoun probably knew of the existence of representation by estates of the realm in European countries, and regarded such systems with favor.

The Indian Press 1870–1880: A Small World of Journalism

1977 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uma Das Gupta
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Small World ◽  
British Government ◽  
The South ◽  
Important Thing ◽  
The North ◽  
Supreme Council ◽  
The Government ◽  
North Western

A Unianimous decision of the Viceroy's Council was taken on 14 March 1878 to establish a check over the vernacular press in India. This was Act IX of 1878, an act for ‘the better control of publications in Oriental languages’. It was to control ‘seditious writing’ in the vernacular newspapers everywhere in the country, except the south. Too much was being written in these newspapers of the ‘injustice and tyranny’ of the British government, ‘its utter want of consideration towards its native subjects, and the insolence and pride of Englishmen in India’.One hundred and fifty-nine extracts from vernacular newspapers of the North-Western Provinces, Punjab, Bengal and Bombay were produced before the Supreme Council as evidence of existing sedition. Surprised at its own importance, the vernacular press staggered into the eighties of the nineteenth century. The crucial demand for ajudicial trial in case of an accusation of sedition against an editor was never conceded by the government, although in October 1878 the act was modified in minor respects. The important thing was that the government from an almost complete unawareness had come to be so preoccupied with the vernacular press. What was the nature of the vernacular press in India in the 1870s and how wide was its range?

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