Lord Salisbury and the Ottoman Massacres

1972 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Marsh

In 1876, and again from 1894 to 1896, thousands of Christians in Bulgaria and Armenia, then provinces of the Ottoman Empire, were massacred by Turkish troops, local irregulars known with romantic barbarity as bashi-bazouks, and Moslem tribesmen. The victims were raped or mutilated, many were burned alive. Weeks later streets were littered with corpses. The Armenians, even in the best of times, were subjected to an almost systematic starvation: Moslem tribesmen were permitted to take the crops of Armenian farms when times were peaceful, and to burn them in periods of violence. Naturally such treatment provoked insurrections, which renewed the cycle of repression.These massacres drove a section of the English public to peaks of moral indignation. Nonconformist ministers and liberal academics, and their followers, were imbued with a reverence for the independent individual. High church clergy had rediscovered a religious affinity with the ancient Churches of the Near East. Humanitarian concern for the sufferings of one's fellow men – prison inmates and child laborers at home, for example, or slaves abroad – had been a steady force in the nineteenth century, and fortified these sectarian sensitivities. These Englishmen would have been distressed by the Ottoman massacres even if the British Government had been in no way involved. Since they believed the Government to be in fact gravely responsible, they conducted extensive political agitations.Britain was the foremost defender of the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire.

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Odlyzko

A previously unknown pricing anomaly existed for a few years in the late 1840s in the British government bond market, in which the larger and more liquid of two very large bonds was underpriced. None of the published mechanisms explains this phenomenon. It may be related to another pricing anomaly that existed for much of the nineteenth century in which terminable annuities were significantly underpriced relative to so-called ‘perpetual’ annuities that dominated the government bond market. The reasons for these mispricings seem to lie in the early Victorian culture, since the basic economic incentives as well as laws and institutions were essentially the familiar modern ones. This provides new perspectives on the origins and nature of modern corporate capitalism.


1967 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. E. Yapp

The establishment of a British political agent at Baghdad marked an important shift in British policy in the area of the Persian Gulf. It underlined the changing interest from trade to politics, the recognition of the strategic problem of Indian defence, and the assertion by the British Government in India of a policy towards the Ottoman Empire which was in contrast to that of the Government in England. During the period of office of the first Resident, Harford Jones, these changes were but dimly perceived through the fog of personal feuds which surrounded him. None the less these feuds did ultimately reflect significant divisions about policy.


2002 ◽  
Vol 76 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-335
Author(s):  
Anatole Browde

Two British land companies, the Canada Company and the British American Land Company (BALC), were active during the nineteenth century in settling what are now Ontario and the Eastern Townships of Quebec. Both purchased large tracts of land from the British government, with two goals: to provide funds for the governors of Canada and to relieve Britain of its surplus population. The Canada Company worked closely with the government to meet these objectives, whereas BALC indulged in land speculation and made immigration a secondary priority. One was successful, and the other struggled throughout its existence. Their success or failure was the directresult of how well they dealt with both the changing economic climate and the British and Canadian political situation.


1964 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olive Anderson

In 1929 the historian of European financial control in the Ottoman Empire—that most significant factor in the affairs of the Near East at the turn of the nineteenth century—found ‘the seed of the idea’ of European control in the second Turkish foreign loan, raised in 1855. Nevertheless, he added virtually nothing to the brief and rather inaccurate account of this transaction given in 1903 by that able retired official of the Ottoman Bank, A. du Velay. It may therefore be worth while to discuss, from the profusion of evidence now available, the circumstances in which this loan and its predecessor of the year before were raised, and the extent and significance of the foreign control which these transactions introduced into Turkey.


Author(s):  
Gabriela A. Frei

As the predominant sea power in the nineteenth century, Britain shaped the understanding of neutrality at sea prior to 1914 like no other nation. This chapter examines how Britain formulated its neutrality policy in the aftermath of the American Civil War, and how this policy was implemented in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–1871, the Sino-French War of 1884–1885, and the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905. Each conflict posed new legal challenges. It focuses on how the British government received legal advice, and how the government administration of foreign affairs changed as a result of the growing importance of legal advice in international politics. While the Foreign Office was responsible for the implementation of the neutrality policy, this chapter highlights the importance of the Law Officers of the Crown who, as the principal legal advisers of the British government, shaped state practice and, more generally, the understanding of neutrality at sea.


1977 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uma Das Gupta

A Unianimous decision of the Viceroy's Council was taken on 14 March 1878 to establish a check over the vernacular press in India. This was Act IX of 1878, an act for ‘the better control of publications in Oriental languages’. It was to control ‘seditious writing’ in the vernacular newspapers everywhere in the country, except the south. Too much was being written in these newspapers of the ‘injustice and tyranny’ of the British government, ‘its utter want of consideration towards its native subjects, and the insolence and pride of Englishmen in India’.One hundred and fifty-nine extracts from vernacular newspapers of the North-Western Provinces, Punjab, Bengal and Bombay were produced before the Supreme Council as evidence of existing sedition. Surprised at its own importance, the vernacular press staggered into the eighties of the nineteenth century. The crucial demand for ajudicial trial in case of an accusation of sedition against an editor was never conceded by the government, although in October 1878 the act was modified in minor respects. The important thing was that the government from an almost complete unawareness had come to be so preoccupied with the vernacular press. What was the nature of the vernacular press in India in the 1870s and how wide was its range?


1992 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 15-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roderic H. Davison

We commemorated in 1988 the sesquicentennial of the Convention of Balta Limani, the ground-breaking Ottoman-British commercial agreement that set a pattern for Ottoman agreements with other powers in the years immediately following. The Convention sprang from British interests and from Ottoman needs during the 1830s in the Near East. My function is to sketch the general international background for the Convention, to look at the situation of the Ottoman Empire, at British foreign policy in the early nineteenth century, and in particular at the development of British policy in the Near East in the years from 1827 to 1841. A subtitle indicating the desirable breadth of view might read “From Navarino (1827) to Nezib (1839), and from Hercules’ Pillars to Hormuz and Herat.”


2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 160-171
Author(s):  
Kristina Jorgic ◽  
Petar Colic

For the Russian and Turkish Empire the nineteenth century is the period of adopting reform laws to modernize the country in order to be competitive in the course of time. Although the reform process in Russia was obstructed by the Arakcheyev regime and reactionary politics of Nicholas I of Russia, the government made a serious step in the fight against systemic corruption, enacting the Criminal Code of 1845. On the other hand, Turkey was undoubtedly under considerable foreign pressure concerning modernization processes. The Tanzimat period represents a significant epoch in which Turkey, among other countries, was faced with widespread corruption. The crown success of reformatory work in Turkey was adoption of the Criminal Code of 1856. This paper analyzes the specific laws which sanctioned corruption in these two empires.


1973 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 509-533 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Ingram

Weak states can control strong states, provided the weak can persuade the strong to admit, that they are vitally interested in their integrity and independence. In the late nineteentli century everybody understood the influence of the Ottoman Empire upon British policy, and the influence of Austria-Hungary upon Imperial German policy in the near east. In the heyday of the Great Powers of Europe it was not expected tliat orientals should aspire to similar influence: their futures would be decided by Europeans. Until the work of Robinson and Gallagher revealed the extent to which the khedive of Egypt controlled Lord Cromer, the history of late nineteenth century imperialism was written from this assumption.


Slavic Review ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence P. Meriage

Throughout the nineteenth century a major international issue facing the Great Powers of Europe was the volatile “Eastern Question.” As the Ottoman Empire grew steadily weaker, the question of the future disposition of its extensive territories (some 238,000 square miles in Europe alone in 1800) provoked an intense and prolonged rivalry among those European states with vested political and economic interests in the Near East. With its military power in decline and its frontiers menaced by powerful neighbors, the Ottoman Empire seemed on the verge of collapse at the beginning of the nineteenth century despite its imposing imperial edifice.


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