Morality and Monarchy in the Queen Caroline Affair

1991 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 697-722 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamara L. Hunt

The licentious career of Caroline of Brunswick, the most notorious queen in modern British history, was only exceeded by that of her husband, George IV, and the scandal that emerged when he attempted to obtain a divorce inspired one of the most unusual episodes of nineteenth-century British history. For six months the attention of the country was focused on the queen's trial; massive demonstrations in her support were familiar sights in London streets and news of the matter dominated the columns of the press. The popular outpouring of support for the queen often took the form of reviling the king and his ministers, and revolution seemed to be in the air, yet because no lasting political change resulted from this tumult, historians have tended to dismiss the affair as relatively unimportant. However, to view this interlude primarily in terms of party politics is to overlook the fact that the majority of the people who formed the massive crowds that so alarmed the government were neither radicals nor reformers, and many, if not most of them were unenfranchised. In order to better understand the implications of this unrest, it is important to identify those factors that inspired British men and women to openly denigrate their ruler and to heap opprobrium on the members of government in defense of a woman who, ironically, many believed to be guilty as charged. Such an examination makes it clear that this was an event of profound cultural significance and was in some respects the first wide-spread popular expression of the moral standards that have come to be labelled “Victorian.”Any attempt to judge “public opinion” is fraught with difficulty. Most of the surviving journals, memoirs, and collections of letters from this period were written by members of the gentry and aristocracy; most of the middle and working-class people who actively demonstrated in support of the queen or who signed the numerous addresses sent to her have tended to remain silent and anonymous. Newspaper and other written accounts of the affair were often extremely partisan, for British society was sharply divided on this issue. Political caricatures, however, overcome some of these difficulties.

Colossus ◽  
2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Budiansky

The paths that took men and women from their ordinary lives and deposited them on the doorstep of the odd profession of cryptanalysis were always tortuous, accidental, and unpredictable. The full story of the Colossus, the pioneering electronic device developed by the Government Code and Cypher School (GC & CS) to break German teleprinter ciphers in the Second World War, is fundamentally a story of several of these accidental paths converging at a remarkable moment in the history of electronics—and of the wartime urgency that set these men and women on these odd paths. Were it not for the wartime necessity of codebreaking, and were it not for particular statistical and logical properties of the teleprinter ciphers that were so eminently suited to electronic analysis, the history of computing might have taken a very different course. The fact that Britain’s codebreakers cracked the high-level teleprinter ciphers of the German Army and Luftwaffe high command during the Second World War has been public knowledge since the 1970s. But the recent declassification of new documents about Colossus and the teleprinter ciphers, and the willingness of key participants to discuss their roles more fully, has laid bare as never before the technical challenges they faced—not to mention the intense pressures, the false steps, and the extraordinary risks and leaps of faith along the way. It has also clarified the true role that the Colossus machines played in the advent of the digital age. Though they were neither general-purpose nor stored-program computers themselves, the Colossi sparked the imaginations of many scientists, among them Alan Turing and Max Newman, who would go on to help launch the post-war revolution that ushered in the age of the digital, general-purpose, stored-program electronic computer. Yet the story of Colossus really begins not with electronics at all, but with codebreaking; and to understand how and why the Colossi were developed and to properly place their capabilities in historical context, it is necessary to understand the problem they were built to solve, and the people who were given the job of solving it.


Author(s):  
Adedokun Jonathan Olusegun ◽  
Gabrielfavour Eke

This paper discussed the increasing danger of population explosion in Nigeria and its implication to available food supply and social infrastructures. The objective of the paper is to show that over population is the reason for high level of illiteracy, wide spread unemployment, poverty and violent crime. The study reveals that with the rate of population increase in Nigeria if nothing is done, time will come when it will result to environmental hazards, malnutrition and other infectious diseases. It observed that while other countries of the world like China and India with increasing rate of population like Nigeria are making serious efforts through Laws and legislation to combat this population increase. The Nigerian leaders are not putting any effort to fight this menace rather what is taking centre stage in Nigeria is this issue of corruption and embezzlement of government funds. The paper was of the opinion that this attitude of our leaders is what has resulted to unemployment armed robbery, kidnapping, underdevelopment and crises of killing and marginalization.  It concluded by suggesting a way forward which includes reduction in early marriages which leads to increase in child bearing, corruption and poverty. Finally, it recommended that the government should encourage the people to do away with outdated customs and traditions which make it possible for people lay more emphasis on male children to the extent that unless they have male children, they will not be satisfied.  DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3382455


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 325 ◽  
Author(s):  
FERNANDA CLÁUDIA PANDOLFI

<p></p><p class="Default"><strong>Resumo: </strong>Este artigo aborda o papel da cultura letrada nos embates políticos no final do Primeiro Reinado. Mais especificamente, analisa a atuação do periódico liberal exaltado <em>Tribuno do Povo </em>na oposição ao governo e sua contribuição para a deslegitimação de D. Pedro I, destacando sua importância na difusão de informação e as implicações resultantes para a prática política do período. A conclusão do trabalho é que, ao relacionar suas explicações com o passado e com o presente, interagir com outros periódicos e com leitores e leitoras através de cartas, este periódico contribuiu para erigir identidades políticas como a do “brasileiro” e definir o sentido do termo “patriótico” em contraposição ao “português” e “antipatriótico” que marcaram as disputas no final do Primeiro Reinado.</p><p class="Default"><strong>Palavras-chave: </strong>História da Imprensa; mulheres no século XIX; Iluminismo no Brasil; imprensa e identidade nacional.</p><p class="Default"><strong><br /></strong></p><p class="Default"><strong>Abstract</strong>: This article discusses the role of literacy in the political struggles at the end of the First Empire. Specifically, it analyzes the influence of the radical newspaper “Tribune of the People” in the opposition movement to the government and its contribution to the delegitimization of D. Pedro I, highlighting its importance in spreading information and the resulting implications for political practice in the period. The conclusion of the paper is that, by relating their explanations with the past and the present and interacting with other periodicals and with its readers through letters, this journal helped to build political identities as the "Brazilian" and define the meaning of term "patriotic" versus the "Portuguese" and "unpatriotic" in the disputes that marked the end of the First Empire.</p><p class="Default"><strong>Keywords</strong>: Press History; women in the Nineteenth Century; The Enlightenment; press and national identity.</p>


1933 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 721-737
Author(s):  
William E. Rappard

The world today is appallingly interesting. It is interesting, because it is changing so fast. It is appalling, because almost every change we have witnessed in the course of the last years has been a change for the worse. As mankind is ever proceeding from the past, through the present, toward the future, all change may, in the purely dynamic sense of the term, be called progress. If, however, we seek to estimate the value of change in terms of human welfare, as also if we consider it in the light of the goals pursued, the most significant recent changes in the political and economic spheres are clearly reactionary.For generations, and in some cases for centuries, ail nations within the orbit of our Western civilization have, through wars and revolutions, been striving to secure for all their members greater physical and moral security, greater political equality, greater individual freedom. Greater security—that is, more assured protection against the violence of their fellow-citizens and against the arbitrary oppression of their governments. Greater equality—that is, less discrimination on grounds of race, of sex, of religious and philosophical creed and of social position. Greater freedom—that is, more latitude for the self-expression and self-assertion of the individual in the face of the authority of tradition and of the state. Guarantees for the protection of the fundamental rights of man, the abolition of arrest without trial and of imprisonment for debt, the suppression of slavery, the extension of the suffrage to all and thereby the subordination of the government to the will of the people (that is, of the majority of all the people), parliamentary control of the budget (that is, no taxation without representation), the recognition of freedom of thought, of speech, of assembly, of the press, the independence of the judiciary and the autonomy of the university—such are some of the ideals for which our fathers, grandfathers, and great-grandfathers fought, bled, and died. Such are some of the conquests of human dignity over barbarism, of knowledge over ignorance, of right over might, which they triumphantly achieved and which they proudly bequeathed to us.


Author(s):  
John T. Lauridsen

John T. Lauridsen: The government’s recommendations were not voiced in vain. Erik Scavenius’ meeting with the press on 14 September 1942 Erik Scavenius did not hold many major press conferences in his time as Foreign Minister, nor as Prime Minister and Foreign Minister in the period 1940–43. An exception occurred on 14 September 1942, when a great number of issues coincided and led him to hold a large scale meeting in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to explain simultaneously to prominent members of Danish press, politicians and civil servants what the government’s policy was, how the government and its policy was handled in the press and in particular, how the government’s policy should be presented. Both the government’s partners and the press were severely criticized and it was implied there was a government mole so that confidential information was being leaked. The press needed to understand its responsibility at this difficult time in Denmark. The people from the press were allowed to respond and on the whole were seemingly receptive to the instructions. What took place at the meeting was not reported in the newspapers the following day. Instead, background material was provided with the intent of counteracting tendencies in the press running counter to government policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Tinggal Purwanto

<p><em>Tafsir Al-Qur’an Tematik</em><em> is a product of mufassir creative dialectic with the text of the Qur'an which contains interrelated elements among various interests as produced by involving the Government. This engagement raises the question of the supposedly dialectical interpretation, while raising questions about the product of tafsir, especially regarding the interpretation of gender equality which indicates a power-knowledge relations built for a particular interest. This study aims to explain how power-knowledge relations operate in the book, especially in constructing gender equality. With that purpose, the theory of gender equality and the theory of power-knowledge relations is used to achieve the intended purpose. </em></p><p><em>The this study finds that power-knowledge relations flow in the Tafsir Al-Qur’an Tematik. Power relations operate in a dialectical and productive manner through initiation, election, accommodation, contestation, controversy, negotiation and compromise of the exegeteers in compiling the tafsir. The mufassir not only try to explain the book of the Qur'an alone, but also attempt to construct the life of the people to be in line with the Government agenda. The mufassir does attempt to construct an equal relationship between men and women, but the construction is not wholly objective and neutral as it still leaves a more discriminatory effect prioritizing men in the public domain and women in the domestic sphere. These power-knowledge relations operate systematically by controlling power relations with truth so as to give rise to more equitable constructions directed to regulate the lives of people on behalf of increased productivity. By its mechanism, power-knowledge normalizes the lives of people with a construction of gender equality that is essentially loaded with power politics.</em></p><p> </p><em>Keywords: tafsir, gender equality, and power relations.</em><p><em>Tafsir Al-Qur’an Tematik</em><em> is a product of mufassir creative dialectic with the text of the Qur'an which contains interrelated elements among various interests as produced by involving the Government. This engagement raises the question of the supposedly dialectical interpretation, while raising questions about the product of tafsir, especially regarding the interpretation of gender equality which indicates a power-knowledge relations built for a particular interest. This study aims to explain how power-knowledge relations operate in the book, especially in constructing gender equality. With that purpose, the theory of gender equality and the theory of power-knowledge relations is used to achieve the intended purpose. </em></p><p><em>The this study finds that power-knowledge relations flow in the Tafsir Al-Qur’an Tematik. Power relations operate in a dialectical and productive manner through initiation, election, accommodation, contestation, controversy, negotiation and compromise of the exegeteers in compiling the tafsir. The mufassir not only try to explain the book of the Qur'an alone, but also attempt to construct the life of the people to be in line with the Government agenda. The mufassir does attempt to construct an equal relationship between men and women, but the construction is not wholly objective and neutral as it still leaves a more discriminatory effect prioritizing men in the public domain and women in the domestic sphere. These power-knowledge relations operate systematically by controlling power relations with truth so as to give rise to more equitable constructions directed to regulate the lives of people on behalf of increased productivity. By its mechanism, power-knowledge normalizes the lives of people with a construction of gender equality that is essentially loaded with power politics.</em></p><p> </p>


Author(s):  
Herdi Sahrasad ◽  
Muhammad Ridwan

This article argues The Malari 1974 incident was triggered by a series of protests carried out by the opposition and students against foreign capital, which in this case were owned and Japanese outbreaks of fraud and corruption committed by officials in the New Order period, Hariman Siregar, the leader of  Malari 1974 student movement  himself, argued that this event was an anticlimax of the alliance between the campus and the military under Soeharto  which was so warm in the previous times, namely in 1966 which was campus, in this case represented by students together with the military same to bring down the Old Order regime that was in power at the time. But that did not last long, because the alliance was then broken when students as a moral force found their critical reasoning again in criticizing the New Order government, which at the time was said to have deviated from the message of the actual suffering of the people. This then led to the Malari incident as an appropriate means to get rid of "opponents" who tried to overthrow the New Order power. At that time there were around 12 banned print media, such as: Nusantara, Indonesia Raya, Pedoman, KAMI, Mahasiswa Indonesias, The Jakarta Times, Abadi, Suluh Berita, Pemuda Indonesia, Pos Indonesia, Wenang weekly and Ekspress magazine. The government accused the press of being partially responsible for the Malari incident. The press is considered to have participated in finalizing the political situation which later exploded into riotous actions which claimed lives and material.


Author(s):  
Zulfikar ◽  
Saiful Bahri ◽  
Muslem ◽  
Fatahillah ◽  
Amiruddin ◽  
...  

The purpose of this research is to find out about how the da'wah movement of  Têungkū Hasanoel Bashry one of the dayah scholars in conducting da'wah activities, and to find out the basis of the da'wah movement of Têungkū Hasanoel Bashry, where the da'wah movement can be said to be able to answer various problems and problems experienced by the people of Aceh at this time, especially religious issues. This type of research is a qualitative research using a character study that aims to provide answers to how the da'wah movement developed by dayah scholars. The results of this study illustrate how the missionary movement Têungkū Hasanoel Bashry, starting from establishing the Al-Aziziyah Islamic College in 2003, developing dayah economics, forming social organizations such as MUDI alumni ties and TASTAFI administrators, cooperating with the government and several countries, and had initiated the birth of a local political party Aceh Daulat Party (PDA) as a forum for entry into the legislative body for dayah graduates. The foundation of the da'wah movement of Têungkū Hasanoel Bashry is to hold fast to the Al-Qur'an and Hadith and Ijma 'of the previous scholars, so as to be able to answer the various problems faced by the people of Aceh at this time, starting from the problems of the Aqeedah, Sharia, and contemporary problems. The da'wah movement Teungku Hasanoel Hasano Bashry has been able to inspire the public to participate in various da'wah activities which are conveyed through discussion media, questions and answers, print media, electronic media and social media. So the da'wah that he delivered was liked by various groups of people, men and women, parents and also young people.


Author(s):  
S.O. Smagulova ◽  
◽  
G.B. Izbassarova ◽  

The article is devoted to the actions of Soviet ideology to turn the periodical press into a tool of propaganda of the Communist Party and the campaign of Stalinist repression. “Enbekshi-Kazakh” (later “Social-Kazakhstan”, “Socialist Kazakhstan”), “Kzyl Kazakhstan”, provincial “Ak Zhol”, “Kazakh Tili» and other publications, which became organs of the party and government in the 20-30s of the twentieth century, were supposed to exalt the triumph of socialism, to glorify the achievements of the new Soviet life. The authors define the position of the government in relation to the periodical press published under the Soviet system and use examples to reveal the process of exposing the intelligentsia and citizens of the country who worked in various fields. Through the periodical press, it is clarified how the course of the struggle against elements alien to the Bolshevik system. The authors analyze the course of political repression of the Kazakh intelligentsia as a «bourgeois nationalist», «right deviants» in the 1920s. In the 1930s, the newspapers reflected the progress of the purge of enemy elements that had joined the ranks of the Communist Party. The article analyzes a role and place of the press in identifying «enemies of the people» in the districts of the Aktobe region. It reveals a trial process for identifying enemies in the fields of education, culture, art, agriculture of the Wilsky, Temir, Presnovsky districts.


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