discriminatory effect
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Author(s):  
Spencer W. McBride

The Introduction to the book explains the reasons that Joseph Smith ran for president in 1844. Though electoral victory was extremely unlikely for Smith, his unlikely campaign is significant to the history of the United States because it encapsulates the discontent of thousands of Americans with the political status quo. The campaign also illuminates the political obstacles to universal religious freedom in nineteenth-century America. In particular, it demonstrates that political philosophies such as the states’ rights doctrine, which, on the surface, had nothing to do with religious freedom, had a discriminatory effect on religious minorities when implemented. Accordingly, Joseph Smith found himself on the vanguard of Americans calling for a stronger federal government, one that could enforce the Bill of Rights in individual states.


Designs ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Ravindra Singh ◽  
Sumedha Seniaray ◽  
Prateek Saxena

Current frugal design practice is focused on the cost reduction of the product. Despite advancements in the domain of frugal Innovation, it is not systematized to develop products for all sets of users, including marginalized society. Many design researchers and engineers now dedicate time and knowledge to producing practical solutions to enhance the quality of life of the marginal community. The approach currently being adopted restricts the development of products intended for all segments of the users. In this paper, cumulative frequency distribution analysis and the Relative Importance Index is used to identify the essential attributes, which contribute to delivering actual frugal products in terms of functionality, usability, performance, affordability, accessibility, aesthetics, and robustness. The framework is beneficial to eradicate the discriminatory effect of being labeled as “Jugaad” users.


2020 ◽  
pp. 009539972094985
Author(s):  
Taehyon Choi ◽  
So Won Seon

In research on policy learning, target groups’ responses have been insufficiently investigated. This article aims to expand the theory of policy learning by focusing on the effect of policy layering on disparity in learning among target groups, and its social consequences. Using the case of South Korea’s education policy, we show that policy layering to pursue multiple goals over 25 years has resulted in a complexly layered policy structure that has generated a discriminatory effect among different target groups and policy instability. We conclude that research on target groups renders implications for effective and ethical policy learning.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Tinggal Purwanto

<p><em>Tafsir Al-Qur’an Tematik</em><em> is a product of mufassir creative dialectic with the text of the Qur'an which contains interrelated elements among various interests as produced by involving the Government. This engagement raises the question of the supposedly dialectical interpretation, while raising questions about the product of tafsir, especially regarding the interpretation of gender equality which indicates a power-knowledge relations built for a particular interest. This study aims to explain how power-knowledge relations operate in the book, especially in constructing gender equality. With that purpose, the theory of gender equality and the theory of power-knowledge relations is used to achieve the intended purpose. </em></p><p><em>The this study finds that power-knowledge relations flow in the Tafsir Al-Qur’an Tematik. Power relations operate in a dialectical and productive manner through initiation, election, accommodation, contestation, controversy, negotiation and compromise of the exegeteers in compiling the tafsir. The mufassir not only try to explain the book of the Qur'an alone, but also attempt to construct the life of the people to be in line with the Government agenda. The mufassir does attempt to construct an equal relationship between men and women, but the construction is not wholly objective and neutral as it still leaves a more discriminatory effect prioritizing men in the public domain and women in the domestic sphere. These power-knowledge relations operate systematically by controlling power relations with truth so as to give rise to more equitable constructions directed to regulate the lives of people on behalf of increased productivity. By its mechanism, power-knowledge normalizes the lives of people with a construction of gender equality that is essentially loaded with power politics.</em></p><p> </p><em>Keywords: tafsir, gender equality, and power relations.</em><p><em>Tafsir Al-Qur’an Tematik</em><em> is a product of mufassir creative dialectic with the text of the Qur'an which contains interrelated elements among various interests as produced by involving the Government. This engagement raises the question of the supposedly dialectical interpretation, while raising questions about the product of tafsir, especially regarding the interpretation of gender equality which indicates a power-knowledge relations built for a particular interest. This study aims to explain how power-knowledge relations operate in the book, especially in constructing gender equality. With that purpose, the theory of gender equality and the theory of power-knowledge relations is used to achieve the intended purpose. </em></p><p><em>The this study finds that power-knowledge relations flow in the Tafsir Al-Qur’an Tematik. Power relations operate in a dialectical and productive manner through initiation, election, accommodation, contestation, controversy, negotiation and compromise of the exegeteers in compiling the tafsir. The mufassir not only try to explain the book of the Qur'an alone, but also attempt to construct the life of the people to be in line with the Government agenda. The mufassir does attempt to construct an equal relationship between men and women, but the construction is not wholly objective and neutral as it still leaves a more discriminatory effect prioritizing men in the public domain and women in the domestic sphere. These power-knowledge relations operate systematically by controlling power relations with truth so as to give rise to more equitable constructions directed to regulate the lives of people on behalf of increased productivity. By its mechanism, power-knowledge normalizes the lives of people with a construction of gender equality that is essentially loaded with power politics.</em></p><p> </p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 222-235
Author(s):  
Michele Sciurba

The duties of loyalty and confidentiality are central to the relationship between banks and their customers. In the wake of national and international security concerns, Anti-Money Laundering (AML) and Counter-Terrorism Financing (CTF) legislation have put banks at risk for excessive sanctions and legal liability for failing to comply with these laws. In response, banks have adopted de-risking policies that undermine the banks’ confidential relationship to their customers. In order to limit their own risk, banks act pre-emptively by denying accounts to customers or terminate existing accounts of legitimate customers based on risk profiles. Consequently, banks become de facto extensions of law enforcement. This provides incentives to banks to discriminate against entire groups of customers and to dispense with less profitable customers in the name of mitigating risk. The risk-profiling policies of banks raise civic and human rights concerns, which extend beyond the private relationship between the bank and its customer.


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olga Artamonova

This article discusses the issue of ethnic teasing used by a teacher and his students in a multiethnic classroom of a German middle school. The teacher and his students exploit the resources of the racist discourse for multiple in-group rituals. Based on a school ethnography and conversation analysis, this case study attempts to interpret the teasing practices, which are performed in a classroom where ethnicity matters greatly. The teasing interactions here, questioned in the local context, seem to be a part of a working consensus, helping to regulate interpersonal relations in class. These vague and risky practices infringe the politeness norms: they are based on a daily face-attack ritualization through which a partial weakening of the discriminatory effect might be achieved.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 383-397
Author(s):  
Rachel Herron

AbstractIn 2010, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) endorsed long-standing claims of the potentially discriminatory effect of the suspicionless stop and search powers within s.44 of the Terrorism Act 2000. This paper applies principles of social systems theory to propose an explanation for the empirically evidenced racial effect of the s.44 police powers. Through observations regarding communicative barriers apparent between the law-making and policing subsystems, the paper argues that each subsystem's understanding of the expectations of the other, pertaining to the nature and use of the s.44 powers, contributed to their deployment in a way that diminished the effectiveness of the safeguards intended to guard against their misuse. Mismatched subsystem expectations meant that the powers were implemented by the police without the statutory protections, the operational self-restraint, or the type of intelligence-led judgment expected by the legislature, giving rise to misuse of the powers and, in particular, their deployment in line with race-based profiles.


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