William III and the Negative Voice

1987 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-525
Author(s):  
James Jay Carafano
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Elizabeth I ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Royal Power ◽  
Queen Elizabeth I ◽  
Full Analysis ◽  
William Iii ◽  
Right To Refuse ◽  
The Revolution

A fresh interpretation of King William III's employment of the royal veto provides new insights into the political and constitutional issues of his reign. The veto, or the crown's negative voice as it was called by contemporaries, is a particularly fruitful subject for study in charting the course of politics in seventeenth century England. The employment of the veto offers an accurate barometer for measuring political and constitutional change. It addresses the key issue of sovereignty—who makes law? King or Parliament? It is surprising, therefore, that historians have neglected to examine the implications of William's employment of the veto. As a result, their conclusions about the veto are not supported by a full analysis of the available evidence. What they have overlooked is that a close examination of the bills the king rejected, and of contemporary views of the royal prerogative, demonstrates that underneath the turmoil of Williamite politics lay a stable foundation built on the settlement achieved at the Revolution of 1688/9.During his brief rule William III rejected a significant number of bills. Between 1692 and 1696 he vetoed five public bills: the Judges, Royal Mines, Triennial, Place, and MP Qualifications Bills. Previous Tudor and Stuart monarchs, with the exception of Queen Elizabeth I, only infrequently invoked the crown's right to refuse legislation. Queen Anne, who followed William to the throne, vetoed only one bill. She was the last monarch to employ this prerogative, although it remains theoretically a legitimate royal power.

Images of Queen Mary II, 1689-95*

1989 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 717-748 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lois G. Schwoerer
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Elizabeth I ◽  
Administrative Power ◽  
Queen Elizabeth I ◽  
William Iii ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Revolution

At the time of the Revolution of 1688-89 in England, for the first time since the accession of Queen Elizabeth I one hundred and thirty years earlier, a woman had a claim to the crown of England in her own right—Princess Mary of Orange, wife of Prince William of Orange of the Netherlands and the elder daughter of James II, the Catholic king of England, by his first and Protestant wife. That claim was one possible solution to the question of who should head the new government, but it was finally decided to create a dual monarchy, a constitutional arrangement unique in the nation's history. Under it the prince and princess of Orange became King William III and Queen Mary II of England, with administrative power vested in William alone. Although regarded as a regnant queen, one of only six regnant queens in the nation's history, Mary, in fact, received no substantive regal power.

Equivocation, Donne, and the Political Interior

2019 ◽  
pp. 19-44
Author(s):  
Todd Butler
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
John Donne ◽  
Human Cognition ◽  
Francis Bacon ◽  
The Political ◽  
Royal Power ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
Political Citizenship ◽  
Deliberative Processes ◽  
The Mind

As a tactic that sought to enable individuals to answer judicial interrogatories while simultaneously disguising the full substance and meaning of their answers, the Catholic doctrine of equivocation responded to the precarious position of Catholics in the late Elizabethan and early Jacobean eras. In providing a highly contested model for the shielding of one’s thoughts, equivocation also demonstrates the centrality of human cognition to the religious and political conflicts of the seventeenth century. Writers such as John Donne (Ignatius His Conclave) and Francis Bacon (Essays) evidence a similarly deep concern with the mind and its deliberative processes as marking boundaries for political citizenship and royal power. Viewed in these terms, mental reservation and equivocation become less a matter of theology than one of statecraft.

scholarly journals Astrologers at War: Manuel Galhano Lourosa and the Political Restoration of Portugal, 1640–1668

2009 ◽  
Vol 13 (02) ◽  
pp. 63-85
Author(s):  
Carlos Ziller Camenietzki ◽  
Luís Miguel Carolino
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Social Prestige ◽  
Portuguese Society ◽  
The Revolution

This paper analyses the involvement of the astrologer Manuel Galhano Lourosa in the restoration of political independence of Portugal from Spain between 1640 and 1668. Lourosa was the most successful astrologer and almanac maker in seventeenth-century Portugal. He published astrological almanacs for several decades, wrote an astrological and astronomical treatise on comets, and addressed astrological writings to Portuguese society urging support for the new political order that issued from the revolution of 1640. Some of these writings were consistent with the feelings of the urban professional and mercantile classes. We argue that, by publishing and using his social prestige in favour of the Restoration cause, Lourosa used the sphere of public opinion to act politically along with the interests of the urban middle class.

scholarly journals La langue française: obstacle ou atout de l'«État-nation»?

2005 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-23
Author(s):  
François Rouget
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
National Language ◽  
French Language ◽  
The Political ◽  
Royal Power ◽  
French Nation

At the beginning of the sixteenth century, French is not a national language. This article studies the phases of the evolution of the French language towards the homogeneity that will prevail at the beginning of the seventeenth century. The idea of a single French language, around the year 1525, is in a context of competition with Latin and French dialects; yet it becomes the political instrument of the royal power which uses the French language in order to reinforce itself and the unity of the French nation. Paradoxically, the development of the French language throughout the rediscovery of its national roots will also lead to the new emergence of political as well as linguistic regional identities.

Music and Late Elizabethan Politics: The Identities of Oriana and Diana

2005 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 507-558 ◽  
Author(s):  
JEREMY L. SMITH
Keyword(s):  
Sir Philip Sidney ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Elizabeth I ◽  
Original Intent ◽  
Queen Elizabeth I ◽  
Current Assessment ◽  
William Byrd

Abstract This essay challenges the current assessment that Thomas Morley's collection, The Triumphes of Oriana, was an uncomplicated musical tribute to Queen Elizabeth I, who was represented allegorically by Oriana, heroine of the romance Amadis de Gaule. It takes into account both the political context surrounding the Essex Revolt, the Elizabethan succession question, and the Catholic issue and the ideas reflected in the poetry that was set to music, as well as some of the music itself. It can be shown that both Morley and his mentor William Byrd were strongly linked to the Sidney/Essex complex of ideals that had a special appeal to Catholics who hoped for a more tolerant regime and who looked to Essex and a Jamesian succession as possible vehicles of salvation. Demonstrating the unsuitability of the Oriana characterization for Elizabeth, I propose a different allegorical identity not only for “Oriana” (James's wife Anna) but also for the character “Diana” (Essex's sister Penelope Rich), who appears in key works by Byrd and in all the Oriana madrigals as well. Certain songs by Byrd promoted the ideas of Sidney and his circle as well as Essex's image as the “heir to Sir Philip Sidney.” Morley's project for the Triumphes began originally, evidence shows, as a musical offering pleasing to the Essex camp and supportive of James's succession. A marked shift in political circumstances between 1600 and 1601 made it incumbent upon Morley and his collaborators to pay tribute to Elizabeth instead, but not all traces of the original intent were effaced. The ambivalence in the meaning of the Oriana and Diana allegories continued into the post-Elizabethan era.

The “Political Thought” of the “Monarchical Republic of Elizabeth I,” Discovered and Anatomized

2015 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Lake
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
Elizabeth I ◽  
True Difference ◽  
First Time

AbstractThis paper uses two manuscript tracts to reconstruct the vision of the English polity underpinning Lord Burghley's interregnum proposals of 1584–85. These proposals famously prompted Patrick Collinson's work on “the monarchical republic of Elizabeth I,” which in turn became embroiled in subsequent attempts to recuperate distinctively “republican” strands of thought and feeling in sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century England. Written by two clients of central figures in the regime, the two texts are replies to a tract by John Leslie outlining Mary Stuart's claim to the English throne. This tract was republished in 1581 in Latin and then in 1584 in English as part of a Catholic propaganda offensive of the summer of 1584 to which, in turn, the Bond of Association and the interregnum scheme itself were responses. By comparing different versions of the two texts with one another and with Thomas Bilson's later printed tract,The true difference between Christian subjection and unchristian rebellion, something like the structuring assumptions, indeed the political thought, underlying the interregnum scheme can be recovered and analyzed and the republican nature of the monarchical republic assessed in detail for the first time.

scholarly journals Notice of an unpublished letter from General Mackay to the Laird of Grant, dated at London, 4th December 1690, on the comparative strength of Ecclesiastical parties in Scotland at the Revolution

1859 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 336-338
Author(s):  
Joseph Robertson
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Religious Affiliation ◽  
Privy Council ◽  
Unpublished Letter ◽  
William Iii ◽  
The Revolution

A letter from a General in service to King William III to a member of the Scottish Privy Council. General Mackay discusses Scotland's religious affiliation and their loyalty to the crown in the late seventeenth century.

The Limits of Obedience

2021 ◽  
pp. 201-223
Author(s):  
Sarah Mortimer
Keyword(s):  
Church And State ◽  
Elizabeth I ◽  
Royal Power ◽  
The People ◽  
Queen Elizabeth I ◽  
Francisco Suarez ◽  
The Relationship

The murder of Henry III in 1589 plunged France further into crisis, raising questions not only of succession but also of the limits of royal power and the legitimacy of resistance. Leading figures in the French Catholic League, along with the Spanish Jesuit Juan de Mariana, defended this act of tyrannicide. Meanwhile, the ageing English queen Elizabeth I was still childless, and anxiety about the succession was exacerbated by Catholic writers, notably Robert Parsons. In these debates, appeal was made once more to the idea of ‘the people’, but now the role of clergy, kings and magistrates in transforming a multitude into a people was examined more explicitly. In response, James VI of Scotland began to defend ‘free monarchy’ and the divine right of kings; while the jurist William Barclay defended monarchy against those he called ‘monarchomachs’—Catholic and Protestant advocates of resistance. The Venetian Interdict and James’s Oath of Allegiance brought into focus the question of where sovereignty lay and the relationship between Church and state. In this context, the Jesuit Francisco Suarez offered a series of texts which not only reaffirmed papal indirect power but were also designed to make sense of the Christian’s relationship to the civil and ecclesiastical authorities and to provide effective, authoritative counsel for Christian souls.

scholarly journals Fashioning the Queen - Elizabeth I as Patron of Translations

2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-145
Author(s):  
Oana-Alis Zaharia
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Elizabeth I ◽  
Queen Elizabeth I ◽  
Cultural Implications

Abstract The present paper aims to explore the role of Queen Elizabeth I as literary patron and dedicatee of translations by focusing on the dedication that precedes Geoffrey Fenton’s rendering of Francesco Guicciardini’s Storia d’Italia. Fenton’s extensive dedication to the Queen is extremely revealing of the manner in which the system of patronage was understood in Elizabethan England. Moreover, it facilitates our understanding of the translator’s role and position at the Elizabethan court, of the political and cultural implications of choosing the Queen as the patron of a translation.

scholarly journals ‘Who Is’t can Read a Woman?’: Representation of Queen Elizabeth I in Cymbeline

MANUSYA ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Thanomnual Hiranyatheb
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Elizabeth I ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Work Of Art ◽  
James I ◽  
Queen Elizabeth I ◽  
Cultural Forces ◽  
King James I ◽  
Cultural Responses ◽  
A Site

This article is an attempt to read Cymbeline (1608-1610), one of Shakespeare’s so-called ‘final plays’ or ‘romances’ as a site of cultural responses to the remaining ‘presence’ of the late Queen Elizabeth I and her cultural associations in the context of the reign of her gender-different successor, King James I. It argues that these responses can be seen in the play’s portrayal of two characters in the play, namely the Wicked Queen and to a lesser extent, Imogen, in which the figure of the late queen is played out and marginalized, and proposes that these representations are ways in which the Jacobean culture deals with and exorcises its anxieties about the late monarch’s sometimes contradictory (self-appointed) role as a militant, powerful and inscrutable ‘woman-on-top’, which disrupted ‘natural’ gender distinction in the political climate of James I’s reign, during which pacifism, transparency and patriarchalism were highly advocated, especially by the king himself and other writers. It is hoped that this article can offer a reading of the play, not by interpreting it as a complete-in-itself and truth-reflecting work of art by a literary genius according to the romantic-humanistic conception of the ‘author’ and ‘literature,’ but rather by taking into accounts political, social and cultural forces that were circulated during the time of composition and reception of the play and with which it interacted.

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