scholarly journals Identity, Enlightenment and Political Dissent in Late Colonial Spanish America

1998 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 309-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony McFarlane
Keyword(s):  
Spanish America ◽  
Spanish Empire ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Political Dissent ◽  
New Granada ◽  
Mexican Society ◽  
Independent States ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Administrative Units ◽  
San Martín

During the long crisis of the Spanish empire between 1810 and 1825, the Creole leaders of Spanish American independence asserted a new identity for the citizens of the states which they sought to establish, calling them ‘Americanos’. This general title was paralleled and often supplanted by other political neologisms, as movements for independence and new polities took shape in the various territories of Spanish America. In New Spain, the insurgents who fought against royalist government during the decade after 1810 tried to rally fellow ‘Mexicans’ to a common cause; at independence in 1821, die Creole political leadership created a ‘Mexican empire’, the title of which, with its reference to the Aztec empire which had preceded Spain's conquest, was designed to evoke a ‘national’ history shared by all members of Mexican society. In South America, die leaders of the new republics also sought to promote patriotic feelings for territories which had been converted from administrative units of Spanish government into independent states. Thus, San Martín and O'Higgins convoked ‘Chileans’ to the cause of independence in the old Captaincy-General of Chile; shortly afterwards and with notably less success, San Martín called upon ‘Peruvians’ to throw off Spanish rule. Bolívar was, likewise, to call ‘Colombians’ to his banner in die erstwhile Viceroyalty of New Granada, before advancing south to liberate Peru in the name of ‘Peruvians’, and Upper Peru in the name of ‘Bolivians’, where the Republic which his military feats and political vision made possible was named after him.

Precarious Time, Morality, and the Republic

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-109
Author(s):  
Francisco A. Ortega
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Social Instability ◽  
New Granada ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
Simon Bolivar ◽  
The Republic

Spanish American countries exhibited during the nineteenth century many of the features Koselleck associated with the Sattelzeit, the transitioning period into our contemporaneity. However, the region’s history was marked by social instability and political upheaval, and contemporaries referred to such experiences of time as precarious. In this article I explore the connection between this precarious time and the emergence of the sociopolitical concept of morality in New Granada (present-day Colombia) during the first thirty- five years of the republic (1818–1853). I focus on two conceptual moments as exemplified ed by the reflections put forth by Simón Bolívar (1783–1830), military and political leader of the independence period, and José Eusebio Caro (1817–1853), publicist, poet, and political ideologue of the Conservative Party.

War, Gender, and Society in Late Colonial and Revolutionary Spanish America

2020 ◽  
pp. 116-135
Author(s):  
Catherine Davies
Keyword(s):  
Spanish America ◽  
South American ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
New Granada ◽  
The Social ◽  
Spanish Atlantic ◽  
History Of ◽  
Gender And Society ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Impact

Military conflicts and wars shaped Spanish America in the transformative period from the 1780s to the 1830s with its first anticolonial uprisings and the Spanish American Wars of Independence. This chapter explores the impact of warfare and militarization on the social and gender order in the Spanish Atlantic Empire in this transformative period and examines, conversely, how ideas about the gender order shaped society, warfare, and military culture. It focuses on the first anticolonial uprisings, especially the Tupac Amaru Rebellion in the South American Andes and the Rebellion of the Comuneros in New Granada—two of the largest and earliest in the history of Latin America—and the Spanish American Wars of Independence and their aftermath.

Postcolonial Social Sciences of Nineteenth-Century Spanish America

2020 ◽  
pp. 155-172
Author(s):  
Lina del Castillo
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
New Granada ◽  
Land Surveying ◽  
Colonial Legacies ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
New Race

During the first half of the nineteenth century, Spanish American intellectuals believed science could diagnose, treat, and excise an array of “colonial legacies” left in the wake of Spanish monarchical rule. Drawing on New Granada as a case in point, this chapter considers two revealing examples of how Spanish American contributions to emerging social sciences challenged prevailing European and North Atlantic ideas about race well before the late nineteenth century adoption and adaptation of eugenics. The first example emerges from an 1830s land-surveying catechism by noted New Granadan educator and publicist, Lorenzo María Lleras. The catechism sought to ensure equitable land surveys of indigenous communal land holding. The second example spotlights José María Samper’s mid-century invention of comparative political sociology. Spanish American intellectuals like Lleras and Samper ultimately believed that the deployment of sciences in society would produce a new “race” of democratic republicans.

Conclusions

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn L. Ness
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Spanish Empire ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Spanish Society ◽  
French Culture ◽  
Spanish Atlantic ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
The Impact

This chapter concludes Setting the Table and summarizes the argument that individuals on both sides of the Atlantic were participating in developing a Spanish-Atlantic identity that amalgamated Spanish heritage with new ideas and goods from other parts of Europe, Asia, and the Americas. It emphasizes that Spain and Spanish America were closely connected as late as the eighteenth century and that Spanish Americans continued to look to Spain as a model for fashion and culture. The chapter argues that data from the St. Augustine sites suggest that traditional interpretations of status and displays of Spanish identity need to be reevaluated in light of changing fashions in eighteenth-century Spain and the similarities between eighteenth-century Spanish and Spanish-American sites. It also contends that the transition away from traditional stews and the possible adoption of French culinary techniques by middle class Spaniards and elite Spanish Americans calls into question previous hypotheses regarding the impact of French culture on Spanish society after the advent of the Bourbon dynasty in 1700. Lastly, it considers other directions and ways in which this study could benefit those studying other parts of the Spanish empire.

The Workings ofCalidad:Honor, Governance, and Social Hierarchies in the Corporations of the Spanish Empire

2019 ◽  
Vol 76 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-239
Author(s):  
Jorge E. Delgadillo Núñez
Keyword(s):  
Spanish America ◽  
Spanish Empire ◽  
Social Hierarchies ◽  
New Granada

In her study on the configuration of difference in colonial New Granada, Joanne Rappaport contends that many studies “tend to ignore how different practices of distinguishing one individual from another came into play in concrete situations,” and as a result they “end up labeling as ‘race’ something that was much more multifaceted.” Subsequently, she urges scholars to interpret colonial subjects and their identities on their own terms. This study responds to Rappaport's call by analyzing the workings of the historical concept ofcalidadin colonial Spanish America.

Arms and Republican Politics in Spanish America

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilda Sabato
Keyword(s):  
National Guard ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Regular Feature ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
System P ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Impact

By the 1820s, Spanish America had become a republican area. While in Europe nineteenth century experiments in the republic had been short-lived, the post-colonial Spanish American nations in the making adopted republican forms of government that proved long-lasting. A crucial dimension of republicanism occupied centre stage in the following decades: the model of defence and the role of armed institutions in the polity. This chapter explores the main features of that model, which was based upon the figure of the citizen-in-arms and deeply enmeshed in the values and institutions of self-government. It focuses upon the organization of military forces; the role of the militia, the National Guard, and the professional armies in the polity; the use of force and the resort to revolutions as a regular feature of politics. Finally, it examines the impact of “the crisis of the 1860s” that initiated a long and tortuous process of change, which eventually brought about the dismantling of the initial system.

RUSSIAN-BELARUSIAN TUTORIAL "HISTORY OF THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR. ESSAYS ON THE SHARED HISTORY"

2020 ◽  
pp. 68-88
Author(s):  
Elena A. Kosovan ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Point Of View ◽  
Joint Work ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
Shared History ◽  
Great Patriotic War ◽  
History Of ◽  
Independent States ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Integration Project ◽  
Second World

The paper provides a review on the joint Russian-Belarusian tutorial “History of the Great Patriotic War. Essays on the Shared History” published for the 75th anniversary of the victory in the Great Patriotic War. The tutorial was prepared within the project “Belarus and Russia. Essays on the Shared History”, implemented since 2018 and aimed at publishing a series of tutorials, which authors are major Russian and Belarusian historians, archivists, teachers, and other specialists in human sciences. From the author’s point of view, the joint work of specialists from the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus in such a format not only contributes to the deepening of humanitarian integration within the Union state, but also to the formation of a common educational system on the scale of the Commonwealth of Independent States or the Eurasian integration project (Eurasian Economic Union – EEU). The author emphasises the high research and educational significance of the publication reviewed when noting that the teaching of history in general and the history of the Second World War and the Great Patriotic War in particular in post-Soviet schools and institutes of higher education is complicated by many different issues and challenges (including external ones, which can be regarded as information aggression by various extra-regional actors).

Las presencias de la Reto´´rica en la obra de Alfonso Reyes: Esbozo de una evolucio´´n

2003 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 149-174
Author(s):  
Eugenia Houvenaghel
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Classical Rhetoric ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Third Phase ◽  
The World ◽  
Alfonso Reyes ◽  
The Subject ◽  
American Society

The Mexican diplomat Alfonso Reyes (1889––1959) was notable in the cultural panorama of Spanish America in the first half of the 20th century for his acquaintance with classical rhetoric, a discipline rarely studied at that time in that part of the world. This article distinguishes four aspects of rhetoric throughout Reyes' oeuvre: (i) a vulgar sense, (ii) an erudite sense, (iii) classical theories, (iv) and modern applications. In his early work, Reyes uses rhetoric in a pejorative and vulgar sense. Around the year 1940, Reyes starts to show a lively interest in rhetoric, opts definitively for an erudite sense of the term, and initiates the study of the classical art of persuasion. In his third phase, Reyes gains deeper knowledge of rhetoric, lectures on the subject, and explains his favorite orators andtheorists. Finally,his use of rhetoric reveals a commitment to the reality of Spanish America. Reyes' rhetoric is an "actualised" and "Americanised" version that shows the possibilities of the classical art of persuasion in Spanish American society.

Henry Clay and the Poinsett Pledge Controversy of 1826

1972 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-440
Author(s):  
Randolph Campbell
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Monroe Doctrine ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
Initial Task ◽  
Practical Implications ◽  
American Nation

It is well known that the initial task of interpreting the Monroe Doctrine as a functional policy in international relations fell largely on John Quincy Adams. Somewhat ironically, the noncolonization principle in Monroe's famed Annual Message of 1823 for which Adams, then Secretary of State, was most responsible, received relatively little attention in the 1820's. Leaders in the United States and Spanish America alike were more concerned with the meaning of the other main principle involved in the Message—nonintervention. What were the practical implications of Monroe's warning that the United States would consider intervention by a European power in the affairs of any independent American nation “ as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States ” ? John Quincy Adams laid the groundwork for an answer to this question in July, 1824, when Colombia, alarmed by rumors of French interference in the wars for independence, sought a treaty of alliance. The President and Congress, Adams replied, would take the necessary action to support nonintervention if a crisis arose, but there would be no alliance. In fact, he added, it would be necessary for the United States to have an understanding with certain European powers whose principles and interests also supported nonintervention before any action could be taken or any alliance completed to uphold it. The position taken by the Secretary of State cooled enthusiasm for the Monroe Doctrine, but Spanish American leaders did not accept this rebuff in 1824 as final.

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