The Workings ofCalidad:Honor, Governance, and Social Hierarchies in the Corporations of the Spanish Empire

2019 ◽  
Vol 76 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-239
Author(s):  
Jorge E. Delgadillo Núñez

In her study on the configuration of difference in colonial New Granada, Joanne Rappaport contends that many studies “tend to ignore how different practices of distinguishing one individual from another came into play in concrete situations,” and as a result they “end up labeling as ‘race’ something that was much more multifaceted.” Subsequently, she urges scholars to interpret colonial subjects and their identities on their own terms. This study responds to Rappaport's call by analyzing the workings of the historical concept ofcalidadin colonial Spanish America.

1998 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 309-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony McFarlane

During the long crisis of the Spanish empire between 1810 and 1825, the Creole leaders of Spanish American independence asserted a new identity for the citizens of the states which they sought to establish, calling them ‘Americanos’. This general title was paralleled and often supplanted by other political neologisms, as movements for independence and new polities took shape in the various territories of Spanish America. In New Spain, the insurgents who fought against royalist government during the decade after 1810 tried to rally fellow ‘Mexicans’ to a common cause; at independence in 1821, die Creole political leadership created a ‘Mexican empire’, the title of which, with its reference to the Aztec empire which had preceded Spain's conquest, was designed to evoke a ‘national’ history shared by all members of Mexican society. In South America, die leaders of the new republics also sought to promote patriotic feelings for territories which had been converted from administrative units of Spanish government into independent states. Thus, San Martín and O'Higgins convoked ‘Chileans’ to the cause of independence in the old Captaincy-General of Chile; shortly afterwards and with notably less success, San Martín called upon ‘Peruvians’ to throw off Spanish rule. Bolívar was, likewise, to call ‘Colombians’ to his banner in die erstwhile Viceroyalty of New Granada, before advancing south to liberate Peru in the name of ‘Peruvians’, and Upper Peru in the name of ‘Bolivians’, where the Republic which his military feats and political vision made possible was named after him.


1976 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-617
Author(s):  
Brian R. Hamnett

The desire to see a restoration of full corporate privilege for their estate encouraged a group of New Granada’s clergymen to support the attempt of leading Creole families to replace the political predominance of the Spanish peninsulares. This political revolution contained both traditionalist and radical aspects. Most clerics strongly opposed the policies of Charles IV’s ministers, and singled out for especial criticism the favourite, Godoy. A particular cause of resentment in New Granada, as elsewhere in Spanish America, was the Consolidación de Vales Reales legislated on 28 November and 26 December 1804. Grievances extended generally to the metropolitan government’s fiscal policies, for a large measure of taxation fell upon the clergy. As in New Spain the defence of the fuero eclesiástico provided a rallying cry.


1984 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 521-543 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Cuenca Esteban

Analysis of balance-of-payments components with Spain and Spanish America helps account for spectacular economic gains to the United States in the neutrality years and for the subsequent turn to net deficit positions during the 1810s. Excess export values at constant prices with Spain and favorable terms of trade with Spanish America decisively contributed to large surpluses on commodity account through 1795–1813. Most cycles in merchandise trade are consistent with greater demand elasticities for exports than for imports.Net earings on freight, insurance, and mercantile profits boosted overall returns from the Spanish Empire at the very times when they were most needed to finance the re-export trade and to settle deficits elsewhere.


Author(s):  
Roberto Breña

The Viceroyalty of New Spain went from being the richest of the American territories of the Spanish Crown to becoming Mexico, one of the new countries that emerged from the crumbling of the Spanish empire in America. It was a very complex process. It did not start as an independence movement, it was extremely violent in its first phase and, paradoxically, the new nation obtained independence in a consensual way and with a document containing an article that offered the crown to Fernando VII, the Spanish King. This process also evinced significant differences regarding other processes for independence in Spanish America. Besides dealing with all these aspects, a final section is devoted to historiographic issues that are important to understand the aforementioned complexities and which are still present in contemporary debates on the social, political, and military processes that gave birth to Mexico.


Author(s):  
Catherine Davies

Military conflicts and wars shaped Spanish America in the transformative period from the 1780s to the 1830s with its first anticolonial uprisings and the Spanish American Wars of Independence. This chapter explores the impact of warfare and militarization on the social and gender order in the Spanish Atlantic Empire in this transformative period and examines, conversely, how ideas about the gender order shaped society, warfare, and military culture. It focuses on the first anticolonial uprisings, especially the Tupac Amaru Rebellion in the South American Andes and the Rebellion of the Comuneros in New Granada—two of the largest and earliest in the history of Latin America—and the Spanish American Wars of Independence and their aftermath.


2012 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-345 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francisco A. Eissa-Barroso

On February 18, 1724, field marshal Antonio Manso Maldonado arrived in New Granada as the president, governor, and captain-general of the New Kingdom. He had been appointed to this position on December 4, 1723, because both the crown and the Chamber of the Indies thought it would be best executed by a military officer. Manso Maldonado could boast more than 30 years of military service, proven loyalty, and administrative experience, much of it during the first reign of Felipe V. After joining the royal armies as a private, Manso Maldonado rose steadily through the ranks, fighting the Moors in Ceuta and the French in the wars of the late seventeenth century. During the War of the Spanish Succession, he served at the orders of the militant bishop of Murcia and last viceroy of Valencia, Luis Belluga, who praised Manso's valor directly to the king. Most important perhaps, at the end of the War of the Spanish Succession and upon the occupation of Catalonia by Bourbon forces, Manso Maldonado had served as teniente de rey in Gerona (1716-1719) and Barcelona (1719-1723), witnessing first-hand the implementation of the Nueva Planta and the enforcement of royal authority over the rebellious principality.


2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (S26) ◽  
pp. 169-189
Author(s):  
Christian G. De Vito

AbstractThis article features a connected history of punitive relocations in the Spanish Empire, from the independence of Spanish America to the “loss” of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines in 1898. Three levels of entanglement are highlighted here: the article looks simultaneously at punitive flows stemming from the colonies and from the metropole; it brings together the study of penal transportation, administrative deportation, and military deportation; and it discusses the relationship between punitive relocations and imprisonment. As part of this special issue, foregrounding “perspectives from the colonies”, I start with an analysis of the punitive flows that stemmed from the overseas provinces. I then address punishment in the metropole through the colonial lens, before highlighting the entanglements of penal transportation and deportation in the nineteenth-century Spanish Empire as a whole.


Author(s):  
Lina del Castillo

During the first half of the nineteenth century, Spanish American intellectuals believed science could diagnose, treat, and excise an array of “colonial legacies” left in the wake of Spanish monarchical rule. Drawing on New Granada as a case in point, this chapter considers two revealing examples of how Spanish American contributions to emerging social sciences challenged prevailing European and North Atlantic ideas about race well before the late nineteenth century adoption and adaptation of eugenics. The first example emerges from an 1830s land-surveying catechism by noted New Granadan educator and publicist, Lorenzo María Lleras. The catechism sought to ensure equitable land surveys of indigenous communal land holding. The second example spotlights José María Samper’s mid-century invention of comparative political sociology. Spanish American intellectuals like Lleras and Samper ultimately believed that the deployment of sciences in society would produce a new “race” of democratic republicans.


Author(s):  
Kathryn L. Ness

This chapter concludes Setting the Table and summarizes the argument that individuals on both sides of the Atlantic were participating in developing a Spanish-Atlantic identity that amalgamated Spanish heritage with new ideas and goods from other parts of Europe, Asia, and the Americas. It emphasizes that Spain and Spanish America were closely connected as late as the eighteenth century and that Spanish Americans continued to look to Spain as a model for fashion and culture. The chapter argues that data from the St. Augustine sites suggest that traditional interpretations of status and displays of Spanish identity need to be reevaluated in light of changing fashions in eighteenth-century Spain and the similarities between eighteenth-century Spanish and Spanish-American sites. It also contends that the transition away from traditional stews and the possible adoption of French culinary techniques by middle class Spaniards and elite Spanish Americans calls into question previous hypotheses regarding the impact of French culture on Spanish society after the advent of the Bourbon dynasty in 1700. Lastly, it considers other directions and ways in which this study could benefit those studying other parts of the Spanish empire.


Author(s):  
Charles Beatty-Medina

This chapter explores how Christianization became an indispensable tool for Afro-Amerindian rebels seeking political legitimacy and continued autonomy on the frontiers of the Spanish empire and within an African diasporic world. Focusing on the period 1577–1617, it considers how clerical intervention and the discourse of religious conversion shaped colonization over time by looking at the case of Esmeraldas maroons on the coast of early colonial Ecuador. By analyzing aspects of marronage and maroon societies in Spanish America, it elucidates how the colonial state resorted to Christian missionizing and conversion as part and parcel of its pacification campaign. It shows that the Esmeraldas maroons deftly navigated both religious intervention and the discourse of Christian conversion in order to situate themselves as the legitimate lords of Esmeraldas.


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