Democratic & Republican Party Activists & Followers: Inter- & Intra-Party Differences

Polity ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 581-601 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Bruzios
1992 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 41-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wijbrandt H. van Schuur

This article describes a nonparametric unidimensional unfolding model for dichotomous data (van Schuur 1984) and shows how it can be extended to multicategory data such as Likert-type rating data. This extension is analogous to Molenaar's (1982) application of Mokken's (1970) nonparametric unidimensional cumulative scaling model. The model is illustrated with an analysis of five-point preference ratings given in 1980 to five political presidential candidates by Democratic and Republican party activists in Missouri.


2017 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 889-904 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert N. Lupton ◽  
William M. Myers ◽  
Judd R. Thornton

Existing literature shows that Republicans in the mass public demonstrate greater ideological inconsistency and value conflict than Democrats. That is, despite a commitment to the conservative label and abstract belief in limited government, Republican identifiers’ substantive policy attitudes are nonetheless divided. Conversely, Democrats, despite registering lower levels of ideological thinking, maintain relatively consistent liberal issue attitudes. Based on theories of coalition formation and elite opinion leadership, we argue that these differences should extend to Democratic and Republican Party activists. Examining surveys of convention delegates from the years 2000 and 2004, we show that Democratic activists’ attitudes are more ideologically constrained than are those of Republican activists. The results support our hypothesis and highlight that some of the inconsistent attitudes evident among mass public party identifiers can be traced to the internal divisions of the major party coalitions themselves.


2003 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 91-108
Author(s):  
Robert P. Steed ◽  
Laurence W. Moreland

Paralleling developments in other southern states over the past three to four decades, South Carolina’s political system has undergone dramatic change. One of the more significant components of this change has been the partisan realignment from a one-party system dominated by the Democrats to a competitive two-party system in which Republicans have come to hold the upper hand. This increased electoral competitiveness has been accompanied by an increased organizational effort by both parties in the state. An examination of local party activists in 2001 points to a continuation of this pattern over the past ten years. In comparison with data from the 1991 Southern Grassroots Party Activists Survey, the 2001 data show the following: (1) the Republican Party has sustained its electoral and organizational gains of recent years; (2) the parties continue to attract activists who differ across party lines on a number of important demographic and socioeconomic variables; (3) there has been a continued sorting of political orientations and cues marked by sharply different inter-party ideological and issue positions; (4) the Democratic Party has become more ideologically homogeneous and more in line with the national party than previously; and (5) since 1991 perceptions of factionalism have declined in both parties, but still remain higher among Democrats than among Republicans.


1979 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 772-780 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane L. Fowlkes ◽  
Jerry Perkins ◽  
Sue Tolleson Rinehart

This article uses discriminant analysis to assess sex and party differences across four aspects of party organization: incentives for participation, party role definitions, party activities and electoral ambition. The results illustrate that gender roles operate most distinctly in the two areas of electoral ambition and party activities. Party context is more important than sex in terms of the other two areas, party role definitions and incentives for participation. The authors conclude that party activists' gender-related behavior can be better understood by discovering how the context of party organization either modifies or reinforces such behavior.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882098863
Author(s):  
Rosalyn Cooperman ◽  
Gregory Shufeldt ◽  
Kimberly Conger

Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump secured their respective party’s 2016 nominations only after raucous, spirited debates among delegates at the start of each party convention. Groups and their preferred candidates behaved consistently with the policy demanders view of parties, which identifies parties as comprised of coalitions of groups with strong policy preferences that negotiate with one another for influence in the party decision-making and policy process. Using the 2016 Convention Delegate Study, the longest standing survey of Democratic and Republican Party activists, we examine intra-party groups as new delegates are folded into the framework along with returning delegates. We assess how the theory of parties as comprised of policy-demander groups works in a context of high external party polarization. The competition between these groups to recast their party in its preferred image in the absence of a standard party bearer for either party holds important implications for Democrats and Republicans in future presidential and congressional elections.


2003 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 111-126
Author(s):  
Jay Barth

An analysis of the 2001 Southern Grassroots Party Activists survey of Democratic and Republican party activists in Arkansas highlights the continued strengthening of the Arkansas GOP at the local level in the state, another sign of momentum for the traditional minority party in the state. Continuing trends seen in the first wave of the survey in 1991, Arkansas GOP activists are more united and more dedicated to their party than are their Democratic counterparts in their commitment of time, in their loyalty to their party’s candidates, and in their ideological cohesion. One potential barrier to continued Republican development in the state, however, is evidence that the extreme conservatism of rank-and-file GOP activists may impede the party’s growth in a state whose electorate has shown an unwavering sentiment for ideological moderation in recent decades.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Robinson Preece ◽  
Olga Bogach Stoddard

AbstractDo men and women respond to various party recruitment messages similarly? Working with the Utah County Republican Party, we designed a field experiment in which we invited over 11,600 male and female party activists to attend a free, party-sponsored “Prospective Candidate Information Seminar” by randomizing different invitation messages. We found that women were half as likely as men to respond to recruitment—log on to the seminar website for more information, register for the seminar, and attend the seminar. While we found some suggestive evidence about what recruitment messages may particularly motivate women or men vis-à-vis a control message, our findings are inconclusive because of a low response rate. This first attempt to experimentally test gendered reactions to recruitment in a sample of active party supporters provides a valuable baseline for future research.


Author(s):  
David L. Prentice

The history of the Republican Party’s foreign policy reminds historians that national politics often entails efforts to hold together a diverse coalition. The party’s regional alignments, ideas, and positions were seldom static. Rarely has it enjoyed unity on foreign relations. Intra-party differences mattered as wings, factions, and insurgents feuded over both domestic policy and America’s aims, interests, and engagement with the world. Mugwumps, jingoes, insurgents, Irreconcilables, the Republican Right, and neoconservatives, among others, interpreted events differently. These differences modulated the party’s swings from isolationism to interventionism, pulling it closer to the center of American politics. Regarding foreign relations, Republicans have generally united around five themes. First, there existed a common understanding that US interests were paramount in defining foreign policy. A shared “America first” ethos made Republicans wary of liberal internationalism and reluctant to concede any autonomy on foreign or economic affairs. While different wings of the Republican Party may have backed divergent policies, each agreed the United States should preserve its flexibility and engage in unilateral action when necessary. Second, Republicans have supported preparedness for national defense and military superiority even when members may oppose US intervention in a foreign conflict. As for diplomacy, they maintained sound negotiations would come from victory or positions of strength. In a world of dangers, the strong survive. Third, the nature of the foreign foe mattered. Republicans opposed revolutionary regimes abroad whereas anti-fascist or anti-authoritarian causes drew weak or belated interest. The common Republican perception that the Soviet Union posed a greater threat to the international order than Nazi Germany accounted for much of the party’s isolationism before World War II. And during the Cold War, Republicans frequently turned a blind eye to the human rights and political abuses of America’s allies while condemning communist nations for the same. Fourth, the Republican preference for limited government influenced how they approached armed conflict. They resisted large peacetime armies and land wars while, in recent eras, placing inordinate faith in modern firepower to deter enemies and accomplish swift victory when used properly. They feared long wars encouraged the growth of the federal government. Finally, opposition to Democratic alternatives, especially in an election year, could bridge some of the party’s greatest chasms.


2003 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 127-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Knuckey

This article examines the background characteristics of Democratic and Republican party activists, their issue and ideological preferences, patterns of party factionalism, organizational strength and patterns of activity within parties at the county level. The findings demonstrate that underlying Florida’s competitive party system are two sets of ideologically polarized and active party activists. While signs of internal party factionalism have not completely disappeared from Florida’s political parties, at the beginning of the twenty-first century Florida’s party system and party organizations are a far cry from the multifactional chaos that once characterized the old one-party or no party-system in Florida.


2003 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
John A. Clark ◽  
Charles Prysby

The political changes that have occurred in the South over the past several decades have affected the political party organizations in the region. A region once marked by a weak and highly factionalized Democratic Party organization and an almost non-existent Republican Party organization now has two significant party organizations operating in each state. Examining the development of party organizations in the region should tell us much about both political party organizations and southern politics. This study, the Southern Grassroots Party Activists 2001 Project, focuses on political party activists active at the county level. Over 7,000 activists in the eleven southern states were surveyed in 2001. This study is linked to the 1991 Southern Grassroots Party Activists Project, which surveyed a similar group of activists, using a similar questionnaire. The following articles both analyze the 2001 data patterns and compare the 2001 results to the 1991 patterns.


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