Nonparametric Unidimensional Unfolding for Multicategory Data

1992 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 41-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wijbrandt H. van Schuur
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
Rating Data ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Unfolding Model ◽  
Scaling Model ◽  
Dichotomous Data ◽  
Party Activists ◽  
Preference Ratings

This article describes a nonparametric unidimensional unfolding model for dichotomous data (van Schuur 1984) and shows how it can be extended to multicategory data such as Likert-type rating data. This extension is analogous to Molenaar's (1982) application of Mokken's (1970) nonparametric unidimensional cumulative scaling model. The model is illustrated with an analysis of five-point preference ratings given in 1980 to five political presidential candidates by Democratic and Republican party activists in Missouri.

scholarly journals Straying from the Flock? A Look at How Americans’ Gender and Religious Identities Cross-Pressure Partisanship

2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin C. Cassese
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Religious Identities ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
National Election Study ◽  
And Gender ◽  
White Evangelicals ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Social Sorting

White evangelicals–both men and women–are a mainstay of the Republican Party. What accounts for their ongoing loyalty, particularly when Republican candidates and leaders fail to embody closely held moral standards around sexual monogamy and propriety, as Donald Trump did in 2016? To answer this question, I draw on research about social sorting and polarization, as well as gender and religion gaps in public opinion, to theorize about the nature of the cross-pressures partisans may experience as a result of the religious and gender identifications they hold. Using data from the 2016 American National Election Study, I evaluate whether cross-cutting identities have a moderating effect on partisans’ thinking about gender issues, their evaluations of the presidential candidates, and their relationship to the parties. I find only modest evidence that gender and evangelical identification impact political thinking among white Republicans, including their reactions to the Access Hollywood tape. Other groups, however, experienced more significant cross-pressures in 2016. Both evangelical Democrats and secular Republicans reported less polarized affective reactions to the presidential candidates and the parties. The results highlight the contingent role that gender and religious identities play in the United States’ highly polarized political climate.

Party Animals: Asymmetric Ideological Constraint among Democratic and Republican Party Activists

2017 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 889-904 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert N. Lupton ◽  
William M. Myers ◽  
Judd R. Thornton
Keyword(s):  
Coalition Formation ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Opinion Leadership ◽  
Value Conflict ◽  
Major Party ◽  
Limited Government ◽  
Mass Public ◽  
Policy Attitudes ◽  
Party Activists

Existing literature shows that Republicans in the mass public demonstrate greater ideological inconsistency and value conflict than Democrats. That is, despite a commitment to the conservative label and abstract belief in limited government, Republican identifiers’ substantive policy attitudes are nonetheless divided. Conversely, Democrats, despite registering lower levels of ideological thinking, maintain relatively consistent liberal issue attitudes. Based on theories of coalition formation and elite opinion leadership, we argue that these differences should extend to Democratic and Republican Party activists. Examining surveys of convention delegates from the years 2000 and 2004, we show that Democratic activists’ attitudes are more ideologically constrained than are those of Republican activists. The results support our hypothesis and highlight that some of the inconsistent attitudes evident among mass public party identifiers can be traced to the internal divisions of the major party coalitions themselves.

scholarly journals South Carolina: Party Development in the Palmetto State

2003 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 91-108
Author(s):  
Robert P. Steed ◽  
Laurence W. Moreland
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Southern States ◽  
The Past ◽  
Party Development ◽  
Party Activists ◽  
Partisan Realignment ◽  
Local Party

Paralleling developments in other southern states over the past three to four decades, South Carolina’s political system has undergone dramatic change. One of the more significant components of this change has been the partisan realignment from a one-party system dominated by the Democrats to a competitive two-party system in which Republicans have come to hold the upper hand. This increased electoral competitiveness has been accompanied by an increased organizational effort by both parties in the state. An examination of local party activists in 2001 points to a continuation of this pattern over the past ten years. In comparison with data from the 1991 Southern Grassroots Party Activists Survey, the 2001 data show the following: (1) the Republican Party has sustained its electoral and organizational gains of recent years; (2) the parties continue to attract activists who differ across party lines on a number of important demographic and socioeconomic variables; (3) there has been a continued sorting of political orientations and cues marked by sharply different inter-party ideological and issue positions; (4) the Democratic Party has become more ideologically homogeneous and more in line with the national party than previously; and (5) since 1991 perceptions of factionalism have declined in both parties, but still remain higher among Democrats than among Republicans.

scholarly journals Southern Politics After the Election of Presidential Clinton: Continued Transformation Toward the Republican Party?

1993 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 197-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles D. Hadley
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Electoral College ◽  
The South ◽  
Southern Politics ◽  
Southern State ◽  
White House ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Southern States ◽  
Democratic Vote

To whom does the South belong politically, now that an all-southern ticket has reclaimed the White House for the Democratic party? Review of 1992 voting returns for national, statewide, and legislative races in the South, contrasted with those from earlier presidential years, lead to only one conclusion: the South continues to move toward the Republican party. The Clinton-Gore ticket ran behind its percentage of the national vote in most southern states, as well as behind all Democratic candidates in statewide races, and would have won without any southern electoral votes; whereas Bush-Quayle ran ahead of their percentage of the national vote in every southern state except Clinton’s Arkansas, while Republicans gained seats in southern legislatures and congressional delegations. It is suggested that southern electoral college votes won by Democratic presidential candidates in 1976 and 1992 hinged upon Democratic vote-getters in races for statewide offices in each state carried except the presidential candidates’ home states.

scholarly journals A Personalized Music Recommender System Using User Contents, Music Contents and Preference Ratings

2020 ◽  
Vol 07 (01) ◽  
pp. 77-92
Author(s):  
Ja-Hwung Su ◽  
Chu-Yu Chin ◽  
Yi-Wen Liao ◽  
Hsiao-Chuan Yang ◽  
Vincent S. Tseng ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Recommender System ◽  
Mean Squared Error ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
User Preference ◽  
Acoustic Features ◽  
Rating Data ◽  
The Arts ◽  
Online Music ◽  
Preference Ratings ◽  
Better Than

Recently, the advances in communication technologies have made music retrieval easier. Without downloading the music, the users can listen to music through online music websites. This incurs a challenging issue of how to provide the users with an effective online listening service. Although a number of past studies paid attention to this issue, the problems of new user, new item and rating sparsity are not easy to solve. To deal with these problems, in this paper, we propose a novel music recommender system that fuses user contents, music contents and preference ratings to enhance the music recommendation. For dealing with problem of new user, the user similarities are calculated by user profiles instead of traditional ratings. By the user similarities, the unknown ratings can be predicted using user-based Collaborative Filtering (CF). For dealing with problems of rating sparsity and new items, the unknown ratings are initialized by acoustic features and music genre ratings. Because the unknown ratings are initially imputed, the rating data will be enriched. Thereupon, the user preference can be predicted effectively by item-based CF. The evaluation results show that our proposed music recommender system performs better than the state-of-the-arts methods in terms of Root Mean Squared Error.

Populism, Trade, and Trump’s Path to Victory

2021 ◽  
pp. 50-70
Author(s):  
Kent Jones
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Trade Policy ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Banking Sector ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Andrew Jackson ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Us Trade Policy ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
Late Twentieth Century

This chapter traces US populism back to President Andrew Jackson (1828–1836), providing early characteristics of a US populist leader. Major US populist issues have included immigration, the banking sector, and more recently, foreign trade. While Franklin D. Roosevelt’s populist-inspired New Deal reforms included trade liberalizing measures, postwar populists linked advancing globalization in the late twentieth century to elitist trade policy, inspiring new populist movements. Anti-trade populists were unsuccessful third-party presidential candidates until Donald Trump exploited this issue, capturing the Republican Party nomination and developing particularly provocative anti-trade rhetoric. He successfully integrated an anti-trade platform with a host of other populist issues, and vowed to alter US trade policy to “make America great again.”

The life of the parties: Party activists and the 2016 presidential election

2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882098863
Author(s):  
Rosalyn Cooperman ◽  
Gregory Shufeldt ◽  
Kimberly Conger
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Congressional Elections ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Party Activists ◽  
Democrats And Republicans

Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump secured their respective party’s 2016 nominations only after raucous, spirited debates among delegates at the start of each party convention. Groups and their preferred candidates behaved consistently with the policy demanders view of parties, which identifies parties as comprised of coalitions of groups with strong policy preferences that negotiate with one another for influence in the party decision-making and policy process. Using the 2016 Convention Delegate Study, the longest standing survey of Democratic and Republican Party activists, we examine intra-party groups as new delegates are folded into the framework along with returning delegates. We assess how the theory of parties as comprised of policy-demander groups works in a context of high external party polarization. The competition between these groups to recast their party in its preferred image in the absence of a standard party bearer for either party holds important implications for Democrats and Republicans in future presidential and congressional elections.

scholarly journals It’s Only You and Me and We Just Disagree: The Ideological Foundations of Affective Polarization

The Forum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan I. Abramowitz
Keyword(s):  
Race Relations ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Gun Control ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Opposing Party ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Strong Disagreement ◽  
The Right ◽  
Almost All ◽  
The Welfare State

Abstract Using the extensive battery of issue questions included in the 2020 ANES survey, I find that a single underlying liberal-conservative dimension largely explains the policy preferences of ordinary Americans across a wide range of issues including the size and scope of the welfare state, abortion, gay and transgender rights, race relations, immigration, gun control and climate change. I find that the distribution of preferences on this liberal-conservative issue scale is highly polarized with Democratic identifiers and leaners located overwhelmingly on the left, Republican identifiers and leaners located overwhelmingly on the right and little overlap between the two distributions. Finally, I show that ideological preferences strongly predict feelings toward the parties and presidential candidates. These findings indicate that polarization in the American public has a rational foundation. Hostility toward the opposing party reflects strong disagreement with the policies of the opposing party. As long as the parties remain on the opposite sides of almost all major issues, feelings of mistrust and animosity are unlikely to diminish regardless of Donald Trump’s future role in the Republican Party.

scholarly journals Arkansas: More Signs of Momentum for Republicanism in Post-"Big Three" Arkansas

2003 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 111-126
Author(s):  
Jay Barth
Keyword(s):  
Potential Barrier ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Minority Party ◽  
Party Activists

An analysis of the 2001 Southern Grassroots Party Activists survey of Democratic and Republican party activists in Arkansas highlights the continued strengthening of the Arkansas GOP at the local level in the state, another sign of momentum for the traditional minority party in the state. Continuing trends seen in the first wave of the survey in 1991, Arkansas GOP activists are more united and more dedicated to their party than are their Democratic counterparts in their commitment of time, in their loyalty to their party’s candidates, and in their ideological cohesion. One potential barrier to continued Republican development in the state, however, is evidence that the extreme conservatism of rank-and-file GOP activists may impede the party’s growth in a state whose electorate has shown an unwavering sentiment for ideological moderation in recent decades.

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