Armed Struggle and State Formation

1997 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 17-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yezid Sayigh
Keyword(s):  
State Formation ◽  
Organizational Structures ◽  
State Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Authoritarian Leadership ◽  
National Movement ◽  
Political Function ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Palestinian National Movement

Armed struggle for the liberation of Palestine has been a rallying cry of the Palestinian national movement since its emergence in the 1960s, but its results have never been more than marginal. Instead, military groups have served a primarily political function, offering Palestinians in the diaspora organizational structures for political expression and state building. However, the nature of the PLO as an exile entity attempting to unite a disparate diaspora has necessarily resulted in an authoritarian leadership wary of the administrative, civilian, and social organizations needed to form a state. Ultimately, the political patterns that developed during the armed struggle impede as much as aid the realization of an independent Palestinian state.

YEZID SAYIGH, Armed Struggle and the Search for State: The Palestinian National Movement, 1949–1993 (Washington, D.C.: Institute for Palestine Studies, and Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997). Pp. 96. £70.00 cloth.

2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 194-196
Author(s):  
Ann M. Lesch
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actor ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
The Past ◽  
National Movement ◽  
Past Half Century ◽  
Palestinian National Movement ◽  
Past Half

Yezid Sayigh's encylopedic history focuses on the role that the idea of armed struggle played in the Palestinian national movement as it evolved over the past half-century. His central thesis is that “armed struggle provided the political impulse and organisational dynamic in the evolution of Palestinian national identity and in the formation of parastatal institutions and a bureaucratic elite, the nucleus of government” (p. vii). The concept of armed struggle reforged Palestinian national identity, mobilized Palestinians, provided political legitimization to the Palestinian movement, made the Palestinians a distinct political actor in relation to the Arab states, helped to create institutions that could form the basis of a government, and established a well-defined political elite. Thus, even though Palestinian leaders never transformed the armed struggle into a people's war along the lines of Algeria or Vietnam, and never liberated any part of Palestine by force, armed struggle served other important, statist functions.

The Fragmentation of the Palestinian Political Field

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 189-216
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal
Keyword(s):  
Women Workers ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Cultural Field ◽  
National Representation ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Palestinian National Movement ◽  
The Relationship

The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government’s support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.

scholarly journals Regionaal Particularisme en Staatsvorming in Afrika: De Diola van Zuid Senegal in hun Relatie Met Dakar.

Afrika Focus ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-223
Author(s):  
John Eichelsheim
Keyword(s):  
State Formation ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Organizational Structures ◽  
The State ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Practical Training ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
The North ◽  
The Impact

Regional Particularism and State Formation in Africa: The Diola in Southern Senegal and Their Relationship with Dakar In the French daily newspaper “Libération” of 819 september 1990 I read : “Reveil de la guerilla en Casamance. Two clashes occurred between the Senegalese army and MFDC guerillas on the 22th of august and the 4th of september; 16 soldiers and 24 guerillas were killed”. A morbid déjà vu. At the end of 1983, as I did my practical training in the town of Ziguinchor, in the south of Senegal, I witnessed some fierce clashes between the same participants, causing the death of some 200 people. How could this be happening in one of the most democratic states of Africa? Didn’t the political arena of some 16 different parties give enough room for oppositional currents? The answer must be negative, in some cases. In this paper I want to show the reader that the articulation of local organizational structures and development policies of a modem state can cause many problems. In this case the typical dynamics of the Diola society in southern Senegal and the specific way of state formation in Senegal after Independence form an explosive mixture. In the first part of the paper a description is given of the dynamics of the Diola society by portraying the organizational structures in Diola villages before the colonial period. Then, in the colonial period, due to new influences as a result of the contacts with foreigners, some local organizational structures are politicized. Among the Diola this process of politicizing took place on a very low level because the Diola society has all the characteristics of a segmentary society. Each village formed an autonomous unit headed by elders. The use of power lays in the hands of a group rather than in the hands of an individual. For this reason the Diola never fully participated in the political arena, not even after Independence. After Independence in 196O the regimes in Dakar tried to impose their authority in all parts of the new state. First Leopold Senghor and then Abdou Diouf strived to form an omnipotent political party. A party in which all regional, ethnic and professional currants would be represented. This became the Parti Socialiste (PS). In the traditionally hierarchically organized societies in the North and the East of the state this was done by encapsulating powerful individuals. Once they joined the party they would bring along many followers or dependants as new members. But in the segmentary Diola society those political leaders did not exist. Therefore some individuals were dropped in the region by the PS to represent the inhabitants. These strangers were given a lot of power in the region. But it should be clear that these “representatives” were not accepted by local people who had the feeling of being colonized for the second time. This time by fellow countrymen from the North For the Dakar regimes, a way to impose their hegemony was connected to the say over land ownership. Since the adaption of the National Lands Act on the 17th of june 1964, all transactions concerning the control over land must be regulated via the local governments. One of the main consequences of this reform is that the state becomes the sole landlord of all the land. This implies that local, mostly ancient, land tenure systems have formally ceased to exist. With the case of the explosive growth of the city of Ziguinchor I show the impact of this reform on the surrounding Diola society. As control over local land is the crux of the organizational structures of Diola society, this new intrusion of the state caused an emotional reaction. Moreover because it was mostly done at random by politicians who had only eyes for their own goals. This being the result of the specific way the state strived for hegemony and attempted to graft new forms of organization on the segmentary Diola society. With explosively results!

scholarly journals Regional Particularism and the State Formation in Africa: The Diola in Southern Senegal and their Relationship with Dakar

Afrika Focus ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
John Eichelsheim
Keyword(s):  
State Formation ◽  
Land Tenure ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Organizational Structures ◽  
The State ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Practical Training ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
The Impact

In the French daily newspaper "Libération" of 8/9september 19901 read : "Reveil de la guerilla en Casamance. Two clashes occurred between the Senegalese army and MFDC guerillas on the 22th of august and the 4th of september; 16 soldiers and 24 guerillas were killed". A morbid déjà vu. At the end of1983, as I did my practical training in the town of Ziguinchor, in the south of Senegal, I witnessed some fierce clashes between the same participants, causing the death of some 200 people. How could this be happening in one of the most democratic states of Africa? Didn't the political arena of some 16 different parties give enough room for oppositional currents? The answer must be negative, in some cases. In this paper I want to show the reader that the articulation of local organizational structures and development policies of a modern state can cause many problems. In this case the typical dynamics of the Diola society in southern Senegal and the specific way of state formation in Senegal after Independence form an explosive mixture. In the first part of the paper a description is given of the dynamics of the Diola society by portraying the organizational structures in Diola villages before the colonial period. Then, in the colonial period, due to new influences as a result of the contacts with foreigners, some local organizational structures are politicized. Among the Diola this process of politicizing took place on a very low level because the Diola society has all the characteristics of a segmentary society. Each village formed an autonomous unit headed by elders. The use of power lays in the hands of a group rather than in the hands of an individual. For this reason the Diola never fully participated in the political arena, not even after Independence. After Independence in 1960 the regimes in Dakar tried to impose their authority in all parts of the new state. First Leopold Senghor and then Abdou Diouf strived to form an omnipotent political party. A party in which all regional, ethnic and professional currants would be represented. This became the Parti Socialiste (PS). In the traditionally hierarchically organized societies in the North and the East of the state this was done by encapsulating powerful individuals. Once they joined the party they would bring along many followers or dependants as new members. But in the segmentary Diola society those political leaders did not exist. Therefore some individuals were dropped in the region by the PS to represent the inhabitants. These strangers were given a lot ofpower in the region. But it should be clear that these "representatives" were not accepted by local people who had the feeling of being colonized for the second time. This time by fellow countrymen from the North.For the Dakar regimes, a way to impose their hegemony was connected to the say over land ownership. Since the adaption of the National Lands Act on the 17th of June 1964, all transactions concerning the control over land must be regulated via the local governments. One of the main consequences of this reform is that the state becomes the sole landlord of all the land. This implies that local, mostly ancient, land tenure systems have formally ceased to exist. With the case of the explosive growth of the city of Ziguinchor I show the impact of this reform on the surrounding Diola society. As control over local land is the crux of the organizational structures of Diola society, this new intrusion of the state caused an emotional reaction. Moreover because it was mostly done at random by politicians who had only eyes for their own goals. This being the result of the specific way the state strived for hegemony and attempted to graft new forms of organization on the segmentary Diola society. With explosively results!KEYWORDS: Diola, politics, Senegal, social organisation, state formation, urban development 

scholarly journals Nationalist Patriarchy, Clan Democracy: How the Political Trajectories of Palestinians in Israel and the Occupied Territories Have Been Reversed

2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 386-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dag H. Tuastad
Keyword(s):  
Local Politics ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Politics ◽  
National Movement ◽  
Autocratic Leadership ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
Palestinian National Movement ◽  
Historical Trajectory

This article discusses how the historical trajectory of patriarchal norms in the political domain among the Palestinians inside Israel differs from that of the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, emphasizing the role of regular political elections in reducing the prevalence of patriarchal-based politics. After 1948, the power of old clan leaders increased among the Palestinians inside, whereas within the Palestinian national movement founded in the exiled refugee communities, traditional and patriarchal clan-based political organization was shunned. Today, clans are still important in local politics among the Palestinians inside. But rather than being controlled by old, patriarchal leaders, a young, democratically minded generation have found their way into local and national politics through the clans. Within the secular Palestinian national movement, on the other hand, an opposite development has been observed, of an increasingly gerontocratic and autocratic leadership.


The Way Forward

2015 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 48-56
Author(s):  
Avraham Burg
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
National Movement ◽  
Palestinian Arab ◽  
Palestinian National Movement ◽  
Arab Minority ◽  
Equal Citizenship ◽  
The Way

This article argues for an unorthodox reading of Israel's current political situation. Rather than examine the immediate results of the March 2015 elections, it lays out the ramifications of the country's current predicament in light of the complex relations between the Jewish majority and Palestinian Arab minority. The author contends that despite the seeming stranglehold that extremist nationalism exerts on the political process, there is true potential for Palestinian citizens of Israel (PCI) to gain full and equal citizenship, on a par with that of their Jewish counterparts. He argues further that the PCI may be poised to lead the Palestinian national movement in advancing a political resolution to the conflict with Israel.

UNRWA and the Palestinian Nation-Building Process

2000 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jalal al-Husseini
Keyword(s):  
Nation Building ◽  
State Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Of Return ◽  
Building Process ◽  
New Development ◽  
Political Dimensions ◽  
Development Approach ◽  
Palestinian National Movement ◽  
Two Bodies

This paper focuses on the political dimensions of UNRWA's mandate and activities through an analysis of its relations with the Palestinian national movement. The evolution of the UNRWA-PLO relationship, from uneasy coexistence to active partnership, parallels changes in each of the two bodies: UNRWA's movement toward greater politicization, and the PLO's gradual embrace of developmental goals associated with the state-building process. The article ends by touching on the problems inherent in the new development approach, particularly with reference to the refugees' right of return.

scholarly journals Inequality and Emancipation : An Educational Approach

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 9-16
Author(s):  
Stefan Gross
Keyword(s):  
Social Inequality ◽  
The Political ◽  
Educational Approach ◽  
Ancient Time ◽  
Present Essay ◽  
Primary Function ◽  
Political Function ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Educational Debate

Emancipation has lost its charisma. In the 1960s, the term had been one of the saviour-concepts in the educational debate on social inequality and the political function of pedagogy in Western countries. Nowadays, as the discussion is still ongoing, the word is rarely in use. Overloaded with political enmeshments and a plurality of meanings, emancipation seems to be nothing more than a nearly forgotten relict of an ancient time. How could this rise and fall happen? The present essay is tracing the colourful history of emancipation in various contexts, recapitulating its pedagogical importance in the 1960s and discovering how the pillars have kept their primary function, although the word is not in use any longer. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jer.v2i0.7617 Journal of Education and Research Vol. 2, 2010 p.9-16

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