The Amended Rules of the Permanent Court of International Justice

1931 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 427-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manley O. Hudson

Various changes in the organization of the Permanent Court of International Justice, particularly in the arrangements for its sessions, were envisaged in the amendments to the Statute of the Court annexed to the Protocol for the Revision of the Statute, of September 14, 1929. This protocol failed to come into force in September, 1930, as planned. While it may yet come into force, that event may be postponed for several years. It would seem to require ratification by each of the forty-five states which have ratified the Protocol of Signature of December 16, 1920, as well as ratification by the United States of America. Only thirty-five states members of the League of Nations have now (May 1, 1931) ratified the protocol of September 14, 1929, and it may prove to be a difficult task to persuade the remaining eleven states to ratify promptly. Meanwhile, it has seemed desirable that the court itself should revise its rules in the direction of some of the changes which would have been effected by the amendments to the statute.

1923 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-437
Author(s):  
Eugène Borel

From the day on which the United States of America declared that it would not become a party to the League of Nations, the thoughts of many people have naturally turned to the situation created by this abstention, the seriousness of which was necessarily clear to everyone.Some think that the matter should be taken lightly. In their opinion the attitude of the United States can only be transitory and at some future time, which may, however, be still far distant, the country will modify its decision and make up its mind to occupy the place reserved for it in the League of Nations. Others allow themselves to be misguided by a different hope. According to them the League of Nations cannot live and will sooner or later disappear to make place for another grouping of nations which would win the approval and adhesion of the American Republic. Between these extreme views there lie the proposals of those who seek relief in the present situation, basing their expectations either upon such a revision of the Covenant as would satisfy the United States or upon the creation of a world association which would join the United States, the present League of Nations and other states not yet belonging thereto into one great group.


Author(s):  
Matthew Kroenig

This chapter examines the future of American global leadership through the lens of its domestic political institutions. It finds that the United States faces growing troubles at home. At the same time, its vibrant economy, strong alliances relationships, and its unmatched military, all reflections of the U.S. domestic political system, will continue to provide a significant source of strategic advantage for the United States over its autocratic competitors in the years to come. The international security environment is becoming more competitive, and the United States does not exercise the unchallenged primacy it enjoyed in the 1990s. We have returned to an era of great power rivalry. But, there is no doubt that the United States remains the world’s leading power.


1933 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-259
Author(s):  
Howard B. Calderwood

The guarantee clause of the Polish Minorities Treaty, which is the model for the treaties signed by eight other states, is as follows: “Poland agrees that the stipulations in the foregoing articles, so far as they affect persons belonging to racial, religious, or linguistic minorities, constitute obligations of international concern and shall be placed under the guarantee of the League of Nations. They shall not be modified without the assent of a majority of the Council of the League of Nations. The United States, British Empire, France, Italy, and Japan agree not to withhold their assent from any modification in these articles which is in due form assented to by a majority of the Council of the League of Nations. Poland agrees that any member of the Council of the League of Nations shall have the right to bring to the attention of the Council any infraction, or danger of infraction, of any of these obligations, and the Council may thereupon take such action and give such direction as it may deem proper and effective in the circumstances. Poland further agrees that any difference of opinion as to questions of law or fact arising out of these articles between the Polish government and any one of the principal Allied and Associated Powers or any other Power, a member of the Council of the League of Nations, shall be held to be a dispute of an international character under Article 14 of the Covenant of the League of Nations. The Polish government hereby consents that any such dispute shall, if the other party thereto demands, be referred to the Permanent Court of International Justice. The decisions of the Permanent Court shall be final, and shall have the same force and effect as an award under Article 13 of the Covenant.”


1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Quincy Wright

On August 15, 1921, the Secretary of State of the United States acknowledged receipt from the Secretary General of the League of Nations of a certified copy of the protocol of the Permanent Court of International Justice opened for signature on December 16, 1920, by members of the League and states mentioned in the annex to the Covenant. On February 24, 1923, President Harding submitted the protocol and the accompanying statute to the Senate with a request for its consent to American adhesion with four “ conditions and understandings” explained in an attached letter from Secretary of State Hughes, dated February 17, 1923. President Harding continued to speak for the court until his death, and on December 6, 1923, President Coolidge commended the proposal to the Senate. Resolutions on the subject were introduced in the Senate by Senators Lenroot of Wisconsin (December 10, 1923), Pepper of Pennsylvania (April 7, 1924), Lodge of Massachusetts (May 5, 1924), Swanson of Virginia (May 5, 1924), King of Utah (May 20, 1924), and on May 26, 1924, Senator Pepper submitted a report from the Committee on Foreign Relations endorsing his proposal for Senate consent with radical amendments to the statute.


1984 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. v-ix
Author(s):  
Sayyid M. Syeed

The arrival of Islam in the United States of America has been datedback to the coming of slaves from Africa. During this unfortunate tradein human cargo from the African mainland many Muslim men andwomen came to these shores. Some of these men and women were morevisible than others; some were more literate in Arabic than the others:and some were better remembered by their generations than the others.Despite these multiple differences between the Muslim slaves andtheir brethren from various parts of the African continent, the fact stillremains that their Islam and their self-confidence did not save them fromthe oppressive chains of slave masters. The religion of Islam survivedonly during the lifetime of individual believers who tried desperately tomaintain their Islamic way of life. Among the Muslims who came in antebellum times in America one can include Yorro Mahmud (erroneouslyanglicised as Yarrow Mamout), Ayub Ibn Sulayman Diallo (known toAnglo-Saxons as Job ben Solomon), Abdul Rahman (known as AbdulRahahman in the Western sources) and countless others whose Islamicritual practices were prevented from surfacing in public.Besides these Muslim slaves of the ante bellum America, there wereothers who came to these shores without the handicap of slavery. Theycame from Southern Europe, the Middle East and the IndianSubcontinent. These Muslims were immigrants to America at the end ofthe Nineteenth Century and the beginning of the Twentieth Century.Motivated by the desire to come to a land of opportunity and strike it rich,many of these men and women later found out that the United States ofAmerica was destined to be their permanent homeland. In the search foridentity and cultural security in their new environment, these Muslimimmigrants began to consolidate their cultural resources by, buildingmosques and organising national and local groups for the purpose ofsocial welfare and solidarity. These developments among the Muslimscontributed to the emergence of various cultural and religious bodiesamong the American Muslims. In the drive for self-preservation and ...


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