Justices of the Supreme Court of the Philippines: Their Lives and Outstanding Decisions. By Victor J. Sevilla. Vol. 1: 1901–1944. Quezon City: New Day, 1984. xvi, 264 pp. Photos, Endnotes, Appendixes, Bibliography. $16.75 (paper). Vol. 2: 1945–1964. Quezon City: New Day, 1984. xviii, 209 pp. Photos, Endnotes, Appendixes, Bibliography. $16.75 (paper). (Distributed in North America by Cellar Book Shop, 18090 Wyoming, Detroit, Mich.)

1986 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 1122-1123
Author(s):  
Bernardita Reyes Churchill
2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (5) ◽  
pp. 616-633 ◽  
Author(s):  
Björn Dressel ◽  
Tomoo Inoue

To what extent do informal networks shape the decisions of the Supreme Court of the Philippines? Though often raised in the Philippines, this question has never been studied empirically. To answer it, we constructed a set of social network variables to assess how informal ties, based on university connections and work affiliations, may have influenced the court’s decisions between 1986 and 2015 in 47 politically high-profile cases. Providing statistically significant evidence for the effects of political influence (presidential appointments) and hierarchical pressure (the vote of the Chief Justice) on related networks, our analysis suggests a continuing tension on the Supreme Court bench between professionalism and informality. Because the findings advance both theoretical and empirical understanding of larger issues at the intersection of courts and society throughout the region, we recommend more attention to the role of judicial networks, external to the courts as well as within them.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucia Dalla Pellegrina ◽  
Laarni Escresa ◽  
Nuno Garoupa

AbstractThis paper extends the empirical analysis on the determinants of judicial behaviour by measuring the ideal points for the Justices of the Philippine Supreme Court for 1986−2010. The Philippines is an interesting case given the US influence in designing the Supreme Court while the political and social context differs significantly. The estimated ideal points allow us to focus on political coalitions based on presidential appointments. We find strong evidence to support the existence of such coalitions along a government-opposition policy space. Implications for comparative judicial politics are discussed.


2005 ◽  
Vol 18 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 383-396
Author(s):  
Jean-Charles Bonenfant

In his opinion in John A. MacDonald, Railquip Enterprises Ltd and Vapor Canada Limited, Chief Justice Laskin commented that in the future it might be necessary to reconsider the 1937 Labour Conventions Decision which established the « watertight compartments » doctrine applicable to the implementation of treaties concluded by Canada. According to this doctrine as it was set forth by the Privy Council, the fact that Canada can enter into treaties with other countries does not mean that the Federal Parliament of Canada can legislate contrary to the distribution of powers provided for by sections 91 and 92 of the British North America Act. In his article, Professor Bonenfant recalls the criticism which the Privy Council evoked, particularly that which appeared in the June, 1937, issue of The Canadian Bar Review. If the Supreme Court of Canada wishes to revise the decision of the Privy Council, it will not be hampered by the rule of stare decisis. But, Professor Bonenfant writes, whatever the judicial solution may be, it would probably be better to follow the example of other countries, particularly the example provided by article 32 of the Constitution of the German Federal Republic, and seek a political solution. In this domain as in others, if federalism has failed in Canada, he writes that it is perhaps because the interpretation of Canada's Constitution has been left to the intellectual virtuosity of the members of the Privy Council and of the Supreme Court.


Dialog ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-118
Author(s):  
AHMAD SUAEDY

This article describes the relationship between political entities of the Bangsamoro or Muslims in Mindanao and of the Philippine government which may be said in a nadir since the cancellation of the MoA-AD (Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain) signing plans between MILF (Mindanao Islamic Liberation Front) and the GRP (Government of the Republic of the Philippines) by the Supreme Court of the country in October 2008. Now their relationship is only bound by the temporary cease-fire. While the actual MILF is the only one course of representation of Muslims in Mindanao in addition to the MNLF (Mindanao National Liberation Front) and Kelompok Datu or traditional leaders. This research deduces that the plurality in the Bangsamoro itself becomes an obstacle in the peace talk process as the absence of a common platform among them. While GRP tends to speak with the faction of it separately, so it was impressed monolithic, there should be efforts to build a joint platform among different groups within the Bangsamoro. Furthermore, the GRP should facilitate the communication and the dialogue among factions within Bangsamoro. Besides, the GRP should convince people in Philippines of how important the peace with Bangsamoro is on behalf of a national interest in a whole. 


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