On Peasant Revolution and National Resistance: Toward a Theory of Peasant Mobilization and Revolutionary War with Special Reference to Modern China

1977 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph Thaxton

A longstanding thesis on the Chinese revolution is that the peasants embraced the Communist movement because the brutalization by the invading Japanese Army aroused the village people, making it possible for the Communist Party to organize them and to appeal to their nationalist aspirations. A theoretical exploration of peasant mobilization and revolutionary war in the T'aihang Mountain-North China Plain revolutionary base suggests different reasons. The peasants there embraced the Communist movement mainly because the Communist Party 8th Route Army helped them regain their basic rights to subsistence in their struggles with landlords and local governments before the Japanese invasion. The armies of the Japanese and the Kuomintang exerted tremendous pressures on the peasant movements in the base area, and there was a negative correlation between the presence of these intruding forces and the emergence of a viable Communist political order. The revolutionary army won the War of Resistance and the War of Liberation largely by averting and ameliorating the burdens the peasants were encountering. In all of the revolutionary processes, the peasants placed greater value on the performance of the party in enhancing their livelihood than on the nationalist propaganda of the revolutionary movement.

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 158-169
Author(s):  
Zećir Ramčilović ◽  

On the territory of today's Republic of Macedonia, people of different nations, religions and cultures live for centuries. Different states and administrations, but also peoples who have always strived for a prosperous state in which everyone would have complete freedom, simply equal opportunities, rights and obligations. With this ideology, the generations of Macedonian citizens were born and died. In the period between the two world wars living in the Vardar part of Macedonia in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was not easy. In the conditions when the authorities do not recognize the existence of Macedonians, but also Bosniaks, who, except in the territory of historical Bosnia, live in all parts of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the struggle for freedom and equality of all peoples living in it is intensified even more. This struggle for the preservation and building of a national identity had a revolutionary socio-economic character, as it sought to abolish class domination over most of the population. The bearer of this struggle was the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY). In this movement, Macedonians and Bosnians saw a chance to realize their aspirations to build a state in which they would be equal to other nations of former Yugoslavia. In the Vardar region of Macedonia, the bearers of this ideology and the revolutionary movement alongside the Macedonians were also Bosniaks. One of the first and most important Macedonian revolutionaries was a Bosniak Alija Avdovic. It starts its activity from the earliest days of the organized communist movement in Vardar Macedonia. Better to say, one of the founders of the movement, when in the spring of 1933, the Provincial Committee (PK) of the CPY for Macedonia is formed. Believing that Yugoslavia is possible only as a community of equal peoples, but also as a community in which there is no class domination, Alija Avdovic is actively working on raising awareness and creating revolutionary cells that will enable the realization of this idea. Why he was driven, convicted, and imprisoned. But nothing has crushed him in this fight. In the onslaught of fascism when the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was occupied, and the movement grew into a unified armed resistance to the freedom of the future common state of equal peoples, its work was gaining in intensity. The new fascist authorities have tried to arrest and destroy all the more significant revolutionaries. In August 1941, he was arrested and then shot by a young life, but whose work and ideas were extended to live and partially realized in the anti-fascist struggle and the creation of a new Yugoslav state.


1983 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. Taylor

As the founders of a revolutionary movement with an international ideology, the small group of men who led the Burmese communist parties for their first thirty years were concerned as to whether their ideological views and political tactics were consonant with those of foreign communist parties. While looking to Marx, Lenin, and their European interpreters as the original fount of ideological coherence, Asian parties nearer to Burma provided the most immediate and programmatic sources of interpretation. Since the 1950s the example of the Chinese Communist Party has been the leading inspiration for most Burmese communists. However, in the first decade of communist activity in Burma, the Indian Communist Party provided the closest and most congenial guidance.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Askar Nur

This research explains the mysticism of mappadendang tradition in Allamungeng Patue Village, Bone Regency, which is believed by the local community as a form of shielding from danger and can resist reinforcemen such as Covid-19 outbreak. This research is a descriptive study using qualitative method and an ethnographic approach. This research was carried out with the aim of identifying the mystical space in mappadendang tradition which was held in Allamungeng Patue Village. After conducting the tracing process, the researcher found that mappadendang tradition which was held in Allamungeng Patue Village, Bone Regency in July 2020 was not a tradition of harvest celebration as generally in several villages in Bone Regency, especially Bugis tribe, but mappadendang was held as a form of shielding from all distress including Covid-19 outbreak. This trust was obtained after one of the immigrants who now resides in the village dreamed of meeting an invisible figure (tau panrita) who ordered a party to be held that would bring all the village people because remembering that in the village during Covid-19 happened to almost all the existing areas in Indonesia, the people of Allamungeng Patue Village were spared from the outbreak. Spontaneously, the people of Allamungeng Patue Village worked together to immediately carry out the mappadendang tradition as a form of interpretation of the message carried by the figure.


1955 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 592-605 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen S. Whiting

A Major obstacle to analysis of Communist movements is the, absence of firsthand evidence on attitudes and motivations affecting tension and cohesion. The refusal of four thousand members of the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese Communist Youth Corps to return to the mainland after the Korean War offered an unusually large and representative cross-section of these two organizations for systematic interrogation. The results of such an interrogation conducted by the author in April 1954, while in no way conclusive, provide suggestive statistical and analytical information concerning the composition and motivations of the post-Yenan Chinese Communist.According to official Communist figures, the Chinese Communist Party numbered approximately three million in December 1948 and more than five million in June 1950. This increase of two million members in eighteen months represents the most rapid expansion of Party rolls in the history of the Chinese Communist movement. It occurred after victory was in sight, but before rigorous measures to consolidate control erupted in the “Three Anti” and “Five Anti” movements of 1951. Those who joined the Party during this period form a group strikingly different from the elite of the Chinese Communist movement, which is composed of devoted revolutionaries trained in the rigorous experiences of the Long March and the wartime days of Yenan.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 221
Author(s):  
Yanchao Zhang

This article explores transformations in the worship of popular goddess Mazu as a result of (religious) tourism. In particular, it focuses on the role of transnational tourism in the invention of tradition, folklorization, and commodification of the Mazu cult. Support from the central and local governments and the impact of economic globalization have transformed a traditional pilgrimage site that initially had a local and then national scope into a transnational tourist attraction. More specifically, the ancestral temple of Mazu at Meizhou Island, which was established as the uncontested origin of Mazu’s cult during the Song dynasty (960 to 1276), has been reconfigured architecturally and liturgically to function as both a sacred site and a tourist attraction. This reconfiguration has involved the reconstruction of traditional rituals and religious performances for religious tourism to promote the temple as the unadulterated expression of an intangible cultural heritage. The strategic combination of traditional rituals such as “dividing incense” and an innovative ceremony enjoining all devotees of “Mazu all over the world [to] return to mother’s home” to worship her have not only consolidated the goddess as a symbol of common cultural identity in mainland China, but also for the preservation of Chinese identity in diaspora. Indeed, Chinese migrants and their descendants are among the increasing numbers of pilgrims/tourists who come to Mazu’s ancestral temple seeking to reconnect with their heritage by partaking in authentic traditions. This article examines the spatial and ritual transformations that have re-signified this temple, and by extension, the cult of Mazu, as well as the media through which these transformations have spread transnationally. We will see that (transnational) religious tourism is a key medium.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-65
Author(s):  
Carlo Bonura

This article considers two films by the Malaysian filmmaker Amir Muhammad, The Last Communist of 2006 and the Village People Radio Show of 2007. Both films are focused on the Malayan Emergency and the lives of a small group of Malayan communists. Through an engagement with Walter Benjamin’s essay “The Storyteller,” the analysis in this article examines the aesthetic forms that structure Amir’s films, namely nonlinear narratives, intertextuality, and the use of images and stories as comparative frames. This article argues that Amir’s films enable audiences to recognize how the truth of a communist past in Malaysia, both of its politics and suppression, inflects the present. The films provide an opening to recognize how the absence of communism today is the effect of the ideological clearing of all leftism that became the hallmark of the end of the British Empire in Malaysia. Communism is made meaningful in Amir’s films both as a lived experience and as a displacement that is absent from the postcolonial everyday.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-148
Author(s):  
Andrey Schelchkov ◽  

The division in the international communist movement and the creation of Trotskyism movement coincided with turbulent revolutionary events in Spain, where the left-wing forces were building up their forces. As in many other countries, the split of the communists was reflected in do-mestic politics, one of the aspects of which was the confrontation and extreme hostility of the two currents in world communism. The Span-ish question and the situation in Spanish Trotskyism had a significant impact on the process of forming the doctrine of Trotskyism, primarily in the issue of electoral unions, attitudes towards the Popular Front, and the tasks of the communists in the democratic revolution. This work highlights the process of the formation of the Trotskyist move-ment in Spain, the influence and role in this process of the International Secretariat of Trotskyism, internal splits in the movement, the partici-pation of Spanish Trotskyism in the revolutionary movement.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aalok Ranjan Chaurasia

The present article uses data available through the 2011 population census to analyze the state of development in the villages of India on the basis of a village development index that has been constructed for the purpose following the capabilities expansion as development approach. The analysis reveals that the state of development in the villages of the country varies widely and there is only a small proportion of the villages where the state of development can be termed as satisfactory. The analysis also reveals that the state of development in the village is influenced by its selected defining characteristics. The article calls for a village-based planning and programming approach for meeting the development and welfare needs of the village people.


Author(s):  
Claude McCrocklin

This is a brief report on an archeological survey of James Bayou in East Texas that was organized to find the site of a large Historic Caddo Indian village that was reported to be in the area. Much is known about the village people. They were Kadohadacho Caddo from the Great Bend region of the Red River in Southwest Arkansas who had migrated to the area now known as James Bayou about 1800. The population of the village they established was reported to be near 500 people, and they stayed in the East Texas and Northwest Louisiana area into the early 1840s. However, none of the early contemporary writers who provide this information reported the exact location of the village, and thus the site's location was unknown when the survey was initiated. As of this report, we have surveyed both sides of James Bayou from the Louisiana line to near Stratford Lake. This was our target area since the lower Louisiana part of the Bayou had been surveyed in 1986-1987 under my direction by Shreveport members of the Louisiana Archaeological Society. In all of this vast area the only sites found on both surveys old enough to be components of the Caddo village were in a four mile area along the 200-250 foot contour on the north and east sides of James Bayou. The ten sites found and tested seemed to have a date range of 1790 to, the 1840s, which is the same as the occupation range of the Caddo village. These sites could well be components of the village since no records that we can find report anyone else in that part of Spanish East Texas through the entire period.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Timofey Rakov

This article analyses practices related to the cult of Lenin in the confines of the Leningrad party organisation of the RCP(b) and its influence on innerparty discussions and political disagreements. The author aims to examine how appeal to the cult and Leninism helped shape the position of the Leningrad Bolsheviks led by G. E. Zinoviev. To achieve this goal, the author refers to a variety of sources, i. e. the works of the leaders of the Leningrad party organisation, such pamphlets by G. I. Safarov and G. E. Evdokimov, minutes of district party conferences, etc. The sources listed above suggest that the terms “testament,” “heritage,” and “task” used in party discourse symbolise a set of actions and principles, following and being faithful to which allowed party members to comply with the correct political line. For representatives of the Leningrad opposition, this meant relying on the poor and middle strata of the village. The category of practice mentioned in the title of this article means that attention was paid not so much to the function of quotations or clichéd phrases but rather to what party groups implied when quoting Lenin’s statements. The term “cult”, which historiography usually employs to describe the veneration of V. I. Lenin as the leader of the party, does not reflect the entirety of this process or take into account its productive component, namely, the fact that, because of its heterogeneity, Leninism allowed members of the Communist Party to pay attention to diverse aspects of Lenin’s heritage. In the course of the polemic surrounding issues facing the party (politics in the countryside, the possibility of building socialism in a single country, etc.), the Leningrad Bolsheviks turned to Leninism as a range of ideas legitimising their political position and as a tool for identifying the Bolsheviks who, in contrast to the Leningraders, “deviated” from the correct political line.


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