Opinion Representation versus Social Representation; or, Why Women Can't Run as Women and Win

1980 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerry Perkins ◽  
Diane L. Fowlkes
Keyword(s):  
Government Intervention ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Social Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Minority Representation ◽  
Representation Versus ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Degree Of Acceptance ◽  
Party Activists

This article, by employing voting simulations in a survey of party activists, examines responses to a woman's claim to party office on the basis of her sex. The degree of acceptance of this claim or the willingness to grant what is called social representation, is contrasted with the respondents' inclinations to select candidates favorable to women's rights, or the willingness to grant what is called opinion representation. Variations in responses to the two simulations are analyzed in terms of attitudes toward gender roles, government intervention and the legitimacy of groups in the political process. Voting in the simulation involving opinion representation can best be understood in terms of the respondent's attitude toward government intervention, while the simulation involving social representation activates the attitude toward groups. Discussion of the findings focuses on the dilemma of group claims for minority representation in a liberal democratic context and the need for better understanding of attitudes toward groups among political elites.

scholarly journals The social origins and political uses of popular narratives on Serbian disunity

2005 ◽  
pp. 65-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Slobodan Naumovic
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Party System ◽  
Conflicts Of Interest ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Social Contexts ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
The Social ◽  
Identity Based

The text offers an examination of socio-political bases, modes of functioning, and of the consequences of political instrumentalisation of popular narratives on Serbian disunity. The first section of the paper deals with what is being expressed and what is being done socially when narratives on Serbian disunity are invoked in everyday discourses. The next section investigates what political actor sty, by publicly replicating them, or by basing their speeches on key words of those narratives. The narratives on Serbian disunity are then related to their historical and social contexts, and to various forms of identity politics with which they share common traits. The nineteenth century wars over political and cultural identity, intensified by the struggle between contesting claims to political authority, further channeled by the development of party politics in Serbia and radicalized by conflicts of interest and ideology together provided the initial reasons for the apparition of modern discourses on Serbian disunity and disaccord. Next, addressed are the uninnally solidifying or misinterpreting really existing social problems (in the case of some popular narratives on disunity), or because of intentionally exploiting popular perceptions of such problems (in the case of most political meta-narratives), the constructive potential related to existing social conflicts and splits can be completely wasted. What results is a deep feeling of frustration, and the diminishing of popular trust in the political elites and the political process in general. The contemporary hyperproduction of narratives on disunity and disaccord in Serbia seems to be directly related to the incapacity of the party system, and of the political system in general, to responsibly address, and eventually resolve historical and contemporary clashes of interest and identity-splits. If this vicious circle in which the consequences of social realities are turned into their causes is to be prevented, conflicts of interest must be discursively disassociated from ideological conflicts, as well as from identity-based conflicts, and all of them have to be disentangled from popular narratives on splits and disunity. Most important of all, the practice of political instrumentalisation of popular narratives on disunity and disaccord has to be gradually abandoned.

Research in the Political Process

1951 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Garceau
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Democratic Polity ◽  
Individual Capacity ◽  
Democratic Faith

A discipline, like an individual, may in some measure be known by the dilemmas it keeps, or more properly by the manner in which it keeps them.A central conceptual controversy, probably inescapable for political scientists because of their disciplinary heritage, is that involved in perceiving uniformities in behavior, describing recurring patterns, identifying the determinants and yet reconciling this effort and its underlying premises about the roots of behavior with the liberal, democratic faith in man's individual capacity to determine his own ends, to think rationally and to reach individual and creative decisions. On this faith rests the political structure of rights, the machinery of the democratic electorate, the party system and the values of the constitutional democratic state whose political process we are concerned to describe and analyze. Cultural anthropologists, social psychologists of many disciplinary schools, hard-boiled “realists” in political science, have recently drawn back from determinist or whole-heartedly relativist positions. Some are concerned that political science, in a fresh enthusiasm for empirical research, may become so engrossed with uniformities and determinants that it will obscure or abandon the normative commitments of a democratic polity.

How Cycles of Polarization and Depolarization Shape the Exercise of Judicial Review

2020 ◽  
pp. 112-134
Author(s):  
Jack M. Balkin
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Review ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Politics ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Judicial Appointments ◽  
Strong Polarization ◽  
State And Local

The cycle of polarization and depolarization affects the political supports for judicial review. When politics is depolarized, politicians tend to let judges handle basic constitutional questions so that politicians can fight over the spoils of everyday politics. Judicial review tends to enforce the values of national political elites, especially against state and local governments. When the country is polarized, however, elite consensus evaporates. Political elites disagree about everything, so judicial review cannot do the same work. Instead, judicial review allows polarized political elites to win victories they can no longer win in the political process. As legislative politics becomes mired in polarization, the judiciary becomes an ever more important venue for achieving policy victories. This increases the urgency and bitterness of partisan fights over judicial appointments. Strong polarization encourages the parties to engage in constitutional hardball to secure ideologically aligned judges and prevent the other party from appointing judges.

Religious Parties and the Politics of Civil Liberties

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vineeta Yadav
Keyword(s):  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Original Data ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Original Analysis ◽  
Religious Parties ◽  
Heated Debate ◽  
Muslim Majority

Religious parties are increasingly common in all parts of the world. Their rise in Muslim-majority countries has been particularly prominent, as they increasingly participate in elections, win legislative seats, and join governments. Since they are often founded on orthodox principles that are inconsistent with liberal democracy, the consequences of their rise and success for the prospects of liberal democratic values and practices have inspired much heated debate and discussion. This book considers a question that has been central in these debates: will the rise and success of religious parties lead to declines in the civil liberties of their citizens? This book addresses this question by focusing on a relationship that is central for understanding the politics of religious parties—their relationship with religious lobbies. It identifies the religious organizations that are actively involved in lobbying on these issues in Muslim-majority countries and outlines the policy preferences and institutional interests that motivate them. It then identifies the political and economic conditions that shape how their relationship with religious parties evolves and, when religious lobbies are able to or unable constrain the actions of religious parties. The book explains when the rise of religious parties leads to a significant decline in civil liberties and when it does not. To test its claims, it leverages original data on religious parties, religious party governments, and religious lobbies for all Muslim-majority countries for almost 40 years and uses original surveys of political elites in Turkey and Pakistan for a thorough and original analysis.

Making an impact from the margins? Civil society groups in Zimbabwe's interim power-sharing process

2016 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 703-728
Author(s):  
Michael Aeby
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Civic Involvement ◽  
Organisational Capacity ◽  
Civil Society Organisations

ABSTRACTThe paper examines the role of civil society organisations (CSOs) in Zimbabwe's interim power-sharing process. It identifies CSOs’ organisational capacity, nature of engagement in the political process and relations with the power-sharing parties as the principal issues affecting CSOs’ ability to promote peace-making and democratisation in the context of a transitional executive power-sharing process. Based on these analytical themes, the case analysis argues that CSOs’ sway on the transition was particularly constrained by organisational fragmentation and disunity, divergent strategies vis-à-vis the interregnum, diminishing access to political elites, the latter's refusal to permit greater civic involvement, and continued repression.

scholarly journals Power and Taboo: On the Cultural-Psychological Sourcesof Traditionalism

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 109-117
Author(s):  
V.V. Bocharov
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Intentional Object ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Traditional Values ◽  
The West ◽  
Behavioral Norms ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Fear ◽  
Deep Layers

Traditionalism as a "return to traditional values" is widely represented today in the world political process, but it is particularly striking in the East. This phenomenon is analyzed from the standpoint of cultural-historical psychology. The revival of "archaic" manifestations is explained by the political elites’ (conscious or unconscious) appeal to deep layers of people's consciousness which provided the legitimacy of the "power of tradition" in the traditional society. The paper reveals the essence of this power embodied in social fear that had emerged together with first behavioral norms. It analyses taboo as a norm which initially labeled the hierarchy in the primary society, prescribing an asymmetry of behavior to the higher and lower strata (the ones in power and the ones in their power). There is a relation between the taboo and the psychophysiological mechanism of the prohibition (I. Pavlov, J. Castro) which transformed the "natural" fear into the "social" one. The paper describes the ambivalent nature of social fear as well as its intentional object: representatives of the higher strata (L. Vygotsky). The archetype of power behavior is illustrated by the political practices of the East where taboos in the shape of «absurd laws», religious and etiquette norms are widely existent in the legal field of this region’s states. This archetype also largely determines the behavior of politicians which often appears in archaic forms. Similar "psychological documents" (L. Vygotsky) are recorded in the behavior of actors in the political process of the West.

UKRAINIAN POLITICAL ELITE AS A FACTOR OF FORMATION OF THE FOUNDATION OF FOREIGN POLICY OF UKRAINE

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 131-146
Author(s):  
A.N. VAVILOV ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Economic Elite ◽  
Significant Divergence ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
Determining Factor

The purpose of the article is to study the role and features of the influence of the political elite of Ukraine on the formation of the country's foreign policy. The research methodology is based on axiological and structural-functional approaches to the study of political elites, as well as the methods of sociological science. As a result of the study, it was found that the most important feature that predetermined the character and composition of the Ukrainian political elite is the merging of the power and economic elites. The internal political development of Ukraine is an example of the increased importance of elites in determining the ways of the country's development. The interests and views of the Ukrainian political elite are a determining factor in the formation of Ukraine's foreign policy, which is based on the development of relations with the West and distance from Russia. At the same time, there is a significant divergence of views of the Ukrainian political elite and society on the vision of the foundations of the country's foreign policy. It is due to the different perceptions of the political elite and broad masses of the population of the value of the country's sovereignty, as well as the interests of the most influential representatives of the Ukrainian economic elite who are actively involved in the internal political process.

scholarly journals ON-LINE POLITICS AND VOTING: OVERCOMING THE DEMOCRATIC DEFICIT

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1462-1471
Author(s):  
Stevo Pendarovski ◽  
Veno Pachovski ◽  
Marko Andonov ◽  
Zoran Mihajloski ◽  
Kimo Cavdar
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Past Century ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Internet Voting ◽  
The Past ◽  
Meaningful Participation ◽  
Decision Making Processes ◽  
On Line ◽  
The Republic

The advance of digital technology in the field of politics in the last 20 years has raised the expectations about enhancing the potentials of the long dominant model of representative democracy. The need to reinvigorate the overall political process was talked about since the first signs of decline in the civic engagement in the second half of the past century. In the meantime, technological gadgets, and, especially the great versatility of Internet applicability have indeed contributed for better communication between the political elites and their people and for sharing the information on the unprecedented level. Yet, the key challenge still seems barely touched: how to provide meaningful participation of the politically awakened individuals in the decision-making processes within the states. In the article we offer a brief survey of the European and USA achievements in the field of e-voting and Internet-voting in order to show how the political, technical and security concerns are still prevailing in the debates thus undermining the trust in the new modes of casting the votes. Also, we present the results of the survey done with 120 students in the Republic of Macedonia and their considerations about the eventual Internet voting in the country. Applying the descriptive and analytical methods we would argue that the immense possibilities for using Internet in politics are far from being exploited, so the initial miscalculation and failures should not discourage the communities from observing new pathways for improving the unavoidable digital component of democracy. 

Voter Reactions to ‘Strange Bedfellows’: The Japanese Voter Faces a Kaleidoscope of Changing Coalitions

2000 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ikuo Kabashima ◽  
Steven R. Reed
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Liberal Democratic Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Social

On 30 June 1994 the Social Democratic Party of Japan (SDPJ, formerly the Japan Socialist Party) joined its historic enemy, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), to form a coalition government in a Japanese equivalent of Italy's ‘historic compromise’. Competition between the conservative LDP and the progressive socialists had defined the Japanese party system since 1955. In this paper we analyze voter reactions to this and other confusing events surrounding the end of the LDP's 38-year dominance. We find, first, that the Japanese electorate was able to make sense of these events. The political space reflected in public opinion mapped the political space reflected in the mass media remarkably well. Secondly, our findings support the idea that attitudes toward political parties are endogenous to the political process: strategic moves by political actors alter the political space within which they maneuver. Coalitions of strange bedfellows force voters to revise their perceptions of political space and reevaluate their attitudes toward the actors involved. Strange bedfellows seemed less strange, friendlier after they had been seen in bed together.

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