The Theory of the State as a Sovereign Juristic Person

1948 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth C. Cole
Keyword(s):  
Political History ◽  
Public Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
General Conception ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Constitutional Morality

The casual student of Western political history encounters sovereignty in a number of guises. In the stage of absolute monarchy, it was a personal endowment of princes; in the stage of democracy, it seems to be a collective endowment of the “nation” or the “people.” In the latter period, moreover, a definition of law as the command of a sovereign becomes increasingly popular.These various contexts for sovereignty will already have suggested the protean possibilities of the general conception, but the student will have had little difficulty in sensing its generally anti-constitutional influence. Even popular sovereignty, which sounds the least dangerous, has had to be offset by opposing institutions in accounting for the relatively high constitutional morality of the democratic system.While, therefore, it is not surprising to find sovereignty again (and in a still different guise) when we examine the leading conceptions of American public law, one well may marvel to find it accorded a key position among them. For, strange to say, the sovereignty of the state is widely accepted as the cornerstone of a legal edifice which the lawyers themselves appear to have laid.

scholarly journals The Two-State Model and Israeli Constitutionalism

2015 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Mazen Masri
Keyword(s):  
Vantage Point ◽  
The State ◽  
State Model ◽  
Jewish State ◽  
The People ◽  
Potential Impact ◽  
Constitutional System ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Constitutional Regime ◽  
Two State Model

Partitioning historic Palestine into two states is often presented as the most plausible solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This article examines the potential impact of such a development on the Palestinian citizens of Israel (PCI), primarily from the vantage point of Israel's constitutional regime. The article explores three fundamental aspects of the Israeli constitutional system—its instability, the “Jewish and democratic” definition of the state, and the exclusion of the PCI from “the people” as the unit that holds sovereignty—and argues that the envisaged two-state solution will only reinforce the definition of Israel as a Jewish state and consequently provide further justification for the infringement on the rights of its Palestinian citizens.

scholarly journals CATUR PURUSA ARTHA LENSA DEKONSTRUKSI DEFINISI PAJAK YANG BERKEADILAN

Equity ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
I Nyoman Darmayasa ◽  
Yuyung Rizka Aneswari
Keyword(s):  
Tax Compliance ◽  
The State ◽  
The People ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Stimulation Of

Catur Purusa Artha Lens of Deconstruction Equitable Tax Definition. The study aims to deconstruct the definition of tax with Catur Purusa Artha (CPA) lens. Research using postmodern paradigm focused on modernity disagreement of tax definition based on act. Tax definition for the result of deconstruction namely Dharma in the form of funds contribution that conducted sincerely from individual’s or entity’s Artha to the state which will be distributed based on Kama for the purposes of the state for the welfare of the people. The essence of the deconstruction definition provide a sense of equitable and stimulation of tax compliance.

Legislative Department

2020 ◽  
pp. 73-104
Author(s):  
Danny M. Adkison ◽  
Lisa McNair Palmer
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
The State ◽  
Legislative Authority ◽  
The People ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
Supreme Court Rulings ◽  
The U.S

This chapter assesses Article V of the Oklahoma constitution, which concerns the legislative department. Section 1 states that “the Legislative authority of the State shall be vested in a Legislature, consisting of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” However, “the people reserve to themselves the power to propose laws and amendments to the Constitution and to enact or reject the same at the polls independent of the Legislature, and also reserve power at their own option to approve or reject at the polls any act of the Legislature.” Section 2 provides for the designation and definition of reserved powers. Initiative means the power of the people to propose bills, and to enact or reject them at the polls. Referendum is the right of the people to have bills passed by the legislature submitted to the voters for their approval. Meanwhile, in May 1964, the Oklahoma constitution was amended to conform to the U.S. Supreme Court rulings. The amendment passed and Sections 9 through 16 were replaced with Sections 9A through 11E. The chapter then details the provisions for the Senate and the House of Representatives.

scholarly journals Legal Reconstruction of State Institutionalities of State Commissions to Suppress the Potential of Institutional Authority Dispute

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 1006-1011
Author(s):  
Lukman Hakim ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Structural Mechanism ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Know How ◽  
Institutional Authority ◽  
State Administration ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Constitutional System

The main problem of this research triggers by the fact that Indonesia fundamental constitutional system changed into the 1945 Constitution. The changes affected the structure and structural mechanism of state institutions. The main purpose of this study is to analyze the philosophical question of the basic root formed in the 1945 Constitution as a new constitution of Indonesia. Regarding the organization and institution of the state can be started by questioning the essence of power that is institutionalized or organized into the state. The results showed that it is also important to know how the principle of popular sovereignty is reflected in the structure and mechanisms of state and government institutions that guarantee the establishment of the legal system and the functioning of the democratic system. At the theory level in terms of state institutions, with the various state commissions, how the principle of popular sovereignty is organized into institutional functions can be patterned into state institutions that are equal and mutually balanced in forms of checks and balances. From a normative perspective, the sources of state institutional authority can be used as a reference in the structuring of state institutions by considering shifts and the development of state administration, especially with the state commissions that occurred after changes to the 1945 Constitution.

The People Shall Be Judge

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (6) ◽  
pp. 749-776 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Vatter
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Political Judgment ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The People ◽  
Civil Condition

This essay offers an interpretation of Kant’s republicanism in light of the problem of political judgment. Kant is sometimes thought to base his conception of law on an idea of sovereignty drawn from Hobbes and Rousseau, which would leave little room for popular contestation of the state. In this essay, I reconstruct Kant’s account of the rule of law by bringing out the importance of his theory of judgment. I argue that for Kant the civil condition is ultimately characterized by a contest between the judgment of the sovereign and the judgment of the people, which corresponds to the determinative and reflective employments of political judgment, respectively. On this view, popular sovereignty is ultimately located in the people’s power to judge politically and contest publicly the state.

scholarly journals The Concept Of Solidarity As A Factor In The Realization Of Human And Civil Rights And Freedoms In Ukraine

2021 ◽  
pp. 109-119
Author(s):  
O.S. Shevchenko
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Common Good ◽  
Social Insurance ◽  
The State ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
The People ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Individual

The article is devoted to the study of the role and significance of guarantees of individual rights and freedoms in Ukraine. The author defines that they are important factors in the economic, political, legal, cultural and other spheres of society that create conditions for the real possibility of exercising the rights and freedoms of the individual. The concept of solidarity excludes the idea of class struggle, the revolutionary path of development of society. According to this concept, the focus is on the social nature of the state: socio-economic, cultural, environmental rights of citizens are ensured with the participation of the state, which pursues an active socio-economic policy aimed at redistribution of funds for the most vulnerable, employment, social insurance, development affordable education, health care, etc. Guarantees for the realization of human and civil rights, freedoms and responsibilities can be described as a system of conditions and means that together ensure the exercise of constitutional human and civil rights, freedoms and responsibilities. The effectiveness of this system depends on various factors, but the main among them is the presence of certain elements in the system of government. These include: a) the existence of the Basic Law, the effect of which cannot be terminated arbitrarily; b) the definition of state power derived from the power of the people and the Constitution; c) consolidation at the constitutional level of fundamental rights, freedoms and responsibilities of man and citizen and the means and conditions of their exercise; d) the existence of an independent judiciary; e) the opportunity to protect their rights with the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and in international human rights organizations. It is also proposed to solve certain issues of realization of human rights and freedoms in Ukraine through the implementation of the concept of solidarity - the principle of building a social system in which its members (citizens, families, ethnic groups, religious denominations, social groups, political parties, business corporations, etc.) have a real legal and socio-political subjectivity , on the basis of which their rights, opportunities and interests can be consolidated and solidified in order to achieve consensus goals (common good) in social frameworks of different scales (local, national, global).

constitutional inflation

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdulhamid Alawaq
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Review ◽  
Research Paper ◽  
The State ◽  
Constitutional Rule ◽  
The People ◽  
Islamic Jurisprudence ◽  
The Status ◽  
Public Rights ◽  
Definition Of

One of the methods that the authority uses to empty the constitutional text of its content and prevent it from achieving its goal is its resort to the two phenomena of “constitutional inflation” in sites that the nation does not need, and “constitutional failure” in sites that are expected from the text to protect public rights and freedoms or prevent an authority from overpowering the rest of the authorities. This is how the authority did in the Syrian constitution of 2012. It resorted to both phenomena together to achieve its goal of using the constitution as a tool and not as a control of the authority’s work. If legislative inflation is clear to legal jurisprudence, constitutional inflation is shrouded in ambiguity, so it resorted to a procedural definition of the research paper and considered every constitutional rule that does not bear the status of binding as a type of inflation. then I applied this definition to the general principles contained in the Syrian constitution in 32 articles, unlike democratic constitutions, which are shortened to articles regulating the general principles of the state. It became clear to me that only five articles are binding and the rest are non-binding guiding articles that are not suitable for reliance on judicial review. I have studied the rule (Islamic jurisprudence is a major source of legislation) in Syria and Egypt, and it has become clear to me that the authority intends to put it into place as a kind of distraction from paying attention to the rest of the constitution’s rules regulating public liberties and powers, even though the constitutional doctrine considers them to be non-binding. The struggle between the components of the people is still going on when drafting any constitution on general principles, most of which do not carry legal value.

Reviews

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-117
Author(s):  
Nicholas Miller ◽  
Marie-Christine Boilard ◽  
Bo Lindberg ◽  
Jens Wendel-Hansen
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Political History ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
University Of Chicago ◽  
Conceptual History ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
The People ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
University Of Chicago Press

Dan Edelstein, The Enlightenment: A Genealogy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010), xii + 209 pp.Kirsten Haack, The United Nations Democracy Agenda: A Conceptual History (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 2011), 256 pp.Pasi Ihalainen, Agents of the People: Democracy and Popular Sovereignty in British and Swedish Parliamentary and Public Debates, 1734–1800 (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2010), xvi + 532 pp.Jeppe Nevers, Fra skældsord til slagord. Demokratibegrebet i dansk politisk historie [From term of abuse to catchphrase: The concept of democracy in Danish political history] (Odense: Syddansk Universitetsforlag, 2011), 225 pp.

The essence of democracy

1915 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wilhelm Hasbach
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
The State ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Active Citizenship ◽  
Political Democracy ◽  
Constituent Power ◽  
Democratic Socialism ◽  
The People ◽  
European Science

Mr. W. J. Shepard, in a review of my work, Die moderne Demokratie, remarks that I have forgotten its spirit in the study of its forms. “It is not the vitalizing spirit,” he writes, “the impelling motive force, the broadly based popular sentiment of democracy that is of interest, but only the forms and mechanism ‥‥ of democratic-republican states.” Now I have in the fifth chapter of the second book presented the theory of political democracy, in the sixth that of social democracy, and in the seventh that of democratic socialism; and in the first of these three chapters I have discussed popular sovereignty and active citizenship, the supremacy of the majority in a democracy, the unlimited constituent power of the people (pouvoir constituant), in which European science has conceived the essence of this form of the state to reside in contradistinction to other forms. But Mr. Shepard has a different conception of its nature. He has raised an interesting question in this connection which I should like to discuss in the following pages.Brief though his statement on this point is, no one can doubt that he considers the supremacy of public opinion as the essence of democracy, since he writes: “No discussion of the nature, elements and effects of public opinion, no appreciation of the spirit of democracy is to be found in the covers of this volume.” As a matter of fact I have treated of this subject in the above-mentioned first division of the fifth chapter, which is devoted to the discussion of popular sovereignty, though certainly in the brief compass which appeared to me sufficient for the understanding of the nature of democracy.

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