The Japanese Privy Council

1931 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 881-905
Author(s):  
Kenneth Colegrove
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Japanese Government ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Privy Council ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Considerable Part ◽  
Party Government ◽  
Lower House ◽  
History Of

The growth of the democratic element in Japanese government has not been without effect on the Privy Council. In the early years of its history, the Council and the ministry were institutions serving the same classes and seeing eye to eye. This was true not only under the presidency of Ito, Oki, and Yamagata (1889-94), but also even during a considerable part of the period when party government was struggling for supremacy. In those days, political parties in the House of Representatives were balked by the bureaucrats, clansmen, and militarists entrenched in the administrative branch, while the seats in the Council were occupied by the great leaders of these controlling classes. But the doctrine of ministerial responsibility had begun to take root. In 1895, the Ito ministry abandoned the principle of executive independence of political parties and accepted an alliance with the Jiyuto, or Liberal party. In 1898, the Kenseito, or Constitutional party, under the leadership of Okuma and Itagaki, was given the opportunity of forming the first party cabinet in the history of Japan. Upon its fall, caused by internal dissension, the succeeding ministry under Yamagata (1898-1900) contained no party men, although the premier condescended to an alliance with the Kenseito. In 1900, Ito himself formed the Seiyukai, and brought the second party cabinet into office. But it was not until the first Kenseikai ministry, under Okuma and Kato (1914-16), and the fifth Seiyukai ministry under Hara (1918-21), that well-grounded ministerial parties controlled the lower house.

Understanding audience affiliation in response to political speeches in Japan

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ofer Feldman ◽  
Peter Bull
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Response Rate ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Rhetorical Devices ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Political Speeches ◽  
Prime Function

Affiliative response invitations were analysed in 38 speeches delivered during the 2009 Japanese general election by 18 candidates for the House of Representatives (the lower house of the National Diet of Japan). The results clearly replicated those reported by Bull and Feldman (2011) in their analysis of the 2005 Japanese general election. Highly significant correlations were found between the two studies not only for the overall pattern of affiliative responses, but also for each type of response (applause, laughter and cheering). In both studies, over 70% of affiliative responses occurred in response to explicit invitations from the speaker. This contrasts with British political meetings, where applause occurs principally in response to implicit rhetorical devices. However, the candidates’ electoral success showed no significant correlations either with overall affiliative response rate, or with rates for applause, laughter or cheering. It is proposed that the prime function of affiliative response invitations at these meetings is not so much to win votes as to give the audience the opportunity to express their support both for the candidates and for the political parties they represent.

Partisan Tumult on the Floor: The Speakership Elections of 1849 and 1855–1856

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffery A. Jenkins ◽  
Charles Stewart
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Congressional Elections ◽  
Whig Party ◽  
New Parties ◽  
History Of ◽  
American Party

This chapter examines the speakership elections of 1849 and 1855–1856, the most chaotic instances of officer selection in the history of the House of Representatives. It considers how the Second Party System weakened and eventually collapsed as the slavery issue overwhelmed the interregional partisanship that had been in place for two decades. It also discusses the emergence of new political parties, such as the Free-Soil Party, the American Party, and the Republican Party, that created new avenues for coalitional organization. In particular, it looks at the rise of the Republican Party as the primary opposition party to the Democrats. Finally, it describes how the rising popularity of the new parties in congressional elections affected politicians in both the Whig Party and the Democratic Party.

Introduction

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffery A. Jenkins ◽  
Charles Stewart
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
Organizational Politics ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Majority Party ◽  
History Of ◽  
The U.S

This book investigates the history of organizational politics in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1789 to the present. It argues that the history of how speakership elections developed was driven by a desire to establish an organizational cartel in the House. It examines the centrality of the party caucus for the organization of the House, and more specifically how the majority party came to own the chief House officers, especially the Speaker. It also discusses two themes about Congress and its role in the American political system: the construction of mass political parties in the early nineteenth century and the role that political parties play in guiding the agenda of Congress today. This chapter provides an overview of the data and methods used by the book as well as the chapters that follow.

The Canadian Election of 1926

1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-113
Author(s):  
Walter R. Sharp
Keyword(s):  
General Election ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Party Government ◽  
History Of ◽  
Clear Majority

For the second time within twelve months, the continuing parliamentary tangle in Canada gave rise, on September 14, 1926, to a general election which not only was one of the most bitterly contested in years, but was focused, on the surface at least, upon a constitutional crisis without precedent in the history of the dominion. The outcome, however, proved to be considerably more decisive than the conflict of a year before, the Liberal party winning 119 seats—only four short of a clear majority in the House of Commons—which, with its Progressive and farmer allies, should mean that it will be able to restore relatively stable party government to Canada for the next few years.

The Party Whip Organizations in the United States House of Representatives

1964 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 561-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall B. Ripley
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Present System ◽  
United States Congress ◽  
Adequate Model ◽  
Party Government

In the literature on political parties in the United States Congress two points are usually stressed. First, it is said that the political party label lacks a precise programmatic content because “party government” in the British sense is absent in the American Congress. Second, however, it is contended that the party label is the single most important and reliable attribute in predicting the voting behavior of a Senator or Representative.Between these two contentions lies a sizeable area of unexplored territory. If party is the best predictive device in analyzing voting behavior in Congress then, despite the lack of “party government,” the party machinery in both houses must have effects that deserve study. Professor Huitt has suggested the necessity and importance of this kind of study: “… the preoccupation with reform has obscured the fact that we have no really adequate model of party leadership as it exists in Congress, and that none can be constructed because we lack simple descriptions of many of the basic working parts of the present system.” Huitt himself and a few others have filled some of these gaps.

scholarly journals Kedudukan Fraksi di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Republik Indonesia Pasca Reformasi

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 437
Author(s):  
Fathan Ali Mubiina
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
Legal Issues ◽  
The Political ◽  
Community Members ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
Election Process ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right

Peran Fraksi di DPR RI ialah sebagai wadah yang strategis dalam sistem politik di Indonesia guna penghubung antara proses pembentukan kebijakan pemerintah baik di eksekutif maupun di legislatif dengan warga negaranya sebagai bentuk penyalur aspirasi yang terstruktur. Sebab dalam partai politik terdapat bentuk pelembagaan wujud ekspresi ide-ide, pikiran-pikiran, pandangan, dan keyakinan bebas dalam masyarakat yang demokratis. Kemudian partai politik juga menurut peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku dalam sejarah perkembangan partai politik pasca reformasi ialah berfungsi sebagai pendidikan politik, menyerap, menyalurkan dan memperjuangkan kepentingan masyarakat, serta mempersiapkan anggota masyarakat untuk mengisi jabatan-jabatan politik sesuai dengan mekanisme demokrasi yang ada di Indonesia melalu demokrasi perwakilan. Pada pola hubungan antara partai politik dengan DPR RI cukup sederhana, yaitu partai politik memiliki hak untuk ikut serta dalam proses pemilihan umum anggota legislatif di DPR RI. Penelitian hukum ini bersifat preskriptif, yang dilakukan untuk memecahkan isu hukum yang dihadapi. The Faction of Political Party in the Indonesian House of Representatives or Parliament is as a strategic forum in the political system in Indonesia in order to connect between the process of forming government policy both in the executive and legislative branches with its citizens as a form of structured channeling of aspirations. Because in political parties there is a form of institutionalization of the expression of ideas, thoughts, views, and free beliefs in a democratic society. Then the political parties also according to the laws and regulations in force in the history of the development of political parties after the reform is to function as political education, absorb, channel and fight for the interests of the community, and prepare community members to fill political positions in accordance with the existing democratic mechanism in Indonesia through representative democracy. The pattern of relations between political parties and the DPR RI is quite simple, namely political parties have the right to participate in the election process for legislative members in the DPR RI. This legal research is prescriptive in nature, which is carried out to solve the legal issues at hand.   

Beaverbrook As Historian: “Politicians and the War, 1914-1916” Reconsidered

1982 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
John O. Stubbs
Keyword(s):  
Conservative Party ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Tariff Reform ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Wide Circle ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Great War ◽  
First World

For students interested in the political history of Britain during the early years of the Great War, Lord Beaverbrook's Politicians and the War, 1914-1916 is now essential reading. This, however, has not always been the case. The historiographical fortunes of this important study, Beaverbrook's modus operandi, and his preoccupations as a historian are the main concerns of this paper. Examination of these issues, combined with a reassessment of of certain key themes and incidents in Politicians and the War allow for a reevaluation not only of the book as a major source for the period but also of that wonderful and partisan fusion of politics and history who was Max Aitken, the first and only Lord Beaverbrook.Beaverbrook, as A.J.P. Taylor's vast biography makes clear, was a man of many parts. Politics colored almost everything he did. His politics were those of the Unionist (later the Conservative) Party and, as a Canadian colonial who had come to Britain to augment further his considerable fortune, he identified strongly with the Tariff Reform wing of the party in the years before the First World War. He was Unionist MP for Ashton-under-Lyne from 1910 to 1916. Within the Unionist Party his closest friend was Andrew Bonar Law, another Canadian born politician, who in 1911 became Leader of the party and was thus a central figure in the tumultuous events examined in Politicians and the War. Aitken also had a wide circle of friends and acquaintances in the Liberal Party. They, too, provided him with another perspective on the politics of the wartime period; one of them, David Lloyd George, in one of his earliest acts as Prime Minister in December 1916, elevated Aitken to the House of Lords where he took the title of Lord Beaverbrook.

Zainichi (Korean Residents in Japan)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kiyoteru Tsutsui
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
International Norms ◽  
Japanese Government ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Citizenship Rights ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
History Of

This chapter examines the complicated history of Zainichi, Korean residents in Japan, who came to Japan during the colonial era. After 1945, Zainichi lost all citizenship rights and had to fight for many rights, but the division in the Korean peninsula cast a shadow over Zainichi communities, hampering effective activism for more rights in Japan. Focusing on the issue of fingerprinting—the most salient example of rights violations against Zainichi—the chapter demonstrates how, since the late 1970s, global human rights principles have enabled Zainichi to recast their movement as claims for universal rights regardless of citizenship and to use international forums to pressure the Japanese government, leading to the abolition of the fingerprinting practice. Zainichi achieved similar successes in other areas of rights except for political rights, where international norms do not clearly support suffrage for noncitizens. Zainichi also contributed to global human rights by advancing rights for noncitizen minorities.

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