scholarly journals Kedudukan Fraksi di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Republik Indonesia Pasca Reformasi

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 437
Author(s):  
Fathan Ali Mubiina
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
Legal Issues ◽  
The Political ◽  
Community Members ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
Election Process ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right

Peran Fraksi di DPR RI ialah sebagai wadah yang strategis dalam sistem politik di Indonesia guna penghubung antara proses pembentukan kebijakan pemerintah baik di eksekutif maupun di legislatif dengan warga negaranya sebagai bentuk penyalur aspirasi yang terstruktur. Sebab dalam partai politik terdapat bentuk pelembagaan wujud ekspresi ide-ide, pikiran-pikiran, pandangan, dan keyakinan bebas dalam masyarakat yang demokratis. Kemudian partai politik juga menurut peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku dalam sejarah perkembangan partai politik pasca reformasi ialah berfungsi sebagai pendidikan politik, menyerap, menyalurkan dan memperjuangkan kepentingan masyarakat, serta mempersiapkan anggota masyarakat untuk mengisi jabatan-jabatan politik sesuai dengan mekanisme demokrasi yang ada di Indonesia melalu demokrasi perwakilan. Pada pola hubungan antara partai politik dengan DPR RI cukup sederhana, yaitu partai politik memiliki hak untuk ikut serta dalam proses pemilihan umum anggota legislatif di DPR RI. Penelitian hukum ini bersifat preskriptif, yang dilakukan untuk memecahkan isu hukum yang dihadapi. The Faction of Political Party in the Indonesian House of Representatives or Parliament is as a strategic forum in the political system in Indonesia in order to connect between the process of forming government policy both in the executive and legislative branches with its citizens as a form of structured channeling of aspirations. Because in political parties there is a form of institutionalization of the expression of ideas, thoughts, views, and free beliefs in a democratic society. Then the political parties also according to the laws and regulations in force in the history of the development of political parties after the reform is to function as political education, absorb, channel and fight for the interests of the community, and prepare community members to fill political positions in accordance with the existing democratic mechanism in Indonesia through representative democracy. The pattern of relations between political parties and the DPR RI is quite simple, namely political parties have the right to participate in the election process for legislative members in the DPR RI. This legal research is prescriptive in nature, which is carried out to solve the legal issues at hand.   

How not to deal with the past: lustration in Poland

1999 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara A. Misztal
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Relative Strength ◽  
The Political ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
The Past ◽  
History Of ◽  
Postcommunist Transition

By looking at the history of the Polish lustration — the policy of checking the past of candidates for important positions — this article argues that although the lustration law has been finally passed at the end of 1998, Poland's dealing with the past is still full of unresolved and deeply ambivalent problems due to the nature of its postcommunist transition and the nature of the newly constructed political institutions. These conditions were shaped by the relative strength of the Polish anti-communist opposition, which credibility within the society permitted it to accept a compromise with the old regime. The undetermined character of many of Poland's political institutions have accelerated the use of the issue of retrospective justice in the partisan politics, which in turn has limited the opportunity for consensual policy, and therefore has reduced societal trust of the political parties, while at the same time increased the demand for the purification of the political system.

Introduction

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffery A. Jenkins ◽  
Charles Stewart
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
Organizational Politics ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Majority Party ◽  
History Of ◽  
The U.S

This book investigates the history of organizational politics in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1789 to the present. It argues that the history of how speakership elections developed was driven by a desire to establish an organizational cartel in the House. It examines the centrality of the party caucus for the organization of the House, and more specifically how the majority party came to own the chief House officers, especially the Speaker. It also discusses two themes about Congress and its role in the American political system: the construction of mass political parties in the early nineteenth century and the role that political parties play in guiding the agenda of Congress today. This chapter provides an overview of the data and methods used by the book as well as the chapters that follow.

scholarly journals Examining Recall of the House Member: How Does It Impact on Eradicating Corruption in Indonesia?

Lentera Hukum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Jayus Jayus ◽  
Muhammad Bahrul Ulum ◽  
Moch. Marsa Taufiqurrohman
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Current Policy ◽  
Essential Aspect ◽  
Legitimate Reason ◽  
It Impact ◽  
House Member

This study aims to discuss the existing contentious recall policy that becomes the legitimate reason to replace or retire the House member proposed by political parties. The discussion also examines to what extent recall, in practice, whether it enables the promotion of Indonesia's anti-corruption agenda. Through the recall, political parties can withdraw their members in the House, either in the form of dismissal or changing positions before the end of the term of office of members who sit in the House of representatives. This study finds that the existing recall policy impedes democracy and negates how to eradicate corruption in Indonesia. As a result, the current policy needs an option to ensure that recall will work as it is expected. Therefore, this alternative should include constituents to propose recall, which will disrupt the existing parties' domination, resulted in a more participatory system, and it reflects the more reciprocal ways to link people, parties, and the House in Indonesian politics. The judiciary's role is another essential aspect to highlight, in which the process and settlement of the recall may involve the Constitutional Court as the hub of the political and constitutional settlement. KEYWORDS: Indonesian Democracy, Anti-Corruption Agenda, Recall Policy, Political System.

scholarly journals DINAMIKA PENGGUNAAN BANTENG DALAM LAMBANG PARTAI-PARTAI POLITIK (1955-1999): KAJIAN SEJARAH VISUAL

2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 214
Author(s):  
Reiza D. Dienaputra
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Art And Design ◽  
History Of ◽  
Research Objects ◽  
Cultural Explanation ◽  
Visual Element ◽  
Nationalist Parties ◽  
Visual History

AbstrakKajian ini bertujuan untuk merekonstruksi penggunaan banteng sebagai elemen visual dalam lambang partai-partai politik yang berhasil meraih kursi DPR dalam Pemilu 1955 hingga Pemilu 1999. Berbagai permasalahan berkaitan dengan keberadaan banteng dalam lambang partai-partai politik diungkap, seperti dinamika visualisasi banteng, eksplanasi sejarah dan budaya, serta pengaruh sistem politik terhadap visualisasi banteng dalam lambang. Untuk menjawab permasalahan tersebut, digunakan metode sejarah, yang di dalamnya meliputi tahapan heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Sebagai sebuah kajian sejarah visual, sumber utama yang digunakan adalah lambang partai-partai politik. Selanjutnya, untuk menganalisispenggunaan banteng dalam lambang partai-partai politik digunakan pendekatan seni dan disain, pendekatan politik dan pendekatan kebudayaan. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa pengunaaan banteng sebagai elemen visual dalam lambang memiliki akar sejarah yang panjang. Secara budaya banteng pun merupakan binatang yang akrab dzengan banyak suku bangsa di tanah air. Sebagai elemen visual, penggunaan banteng dalam lambang partai politik  pada umumnya hanya digunakan oleh partai-partai politik beraliran nasionalis. Namun demikian, representasi visual banteng dalam lambang mengalami dinamika yang menarik, tidak hanya karena kebutuhan partai politik tetapi juga disebabkan pengaruh sistem politik yang berlaku. AbstractThis study aims to reconstruct the use of bulls as visual element in the symbols of political parties that were voted in the legislative (DPR) during 1955-1999 general election. The author reveals many dynamic use of bulls in political parties, including its visualization, historical and cultural explanation, and political system that influenced bull visualization on the symbols. The author conducts history method, covering critique, interpretation, and historiography. As a study of visual history, the research objects are the symbols of political parties. We approach the problem from many angles, including art and design, as well as political and cultural ones. The result finds that the use of bull as visual element in the symbol of political parties has a long root in the history of this country. Culturally, bulls are very familiar to many ethnic group in Indonesia, and generally they are used by nationalist parties. Nevertheless, visual representation of bulls has experienced an interesting dynamics: using bulls as symbol is not only for the benefit of certain political parties but it is also influenced by the political system applied at a certain time.

scholarly journals Dinamika Islam Politik di Indonesia pada Era Reformasi (1998-2001)

2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-106
Author(s):  
Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
Early History ◽  
Political Interest ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Distinct Concept ◽  
History Of

This article discusses the political attitude of some Indonesian Muslims to the reformation era of Indonesia. Euphorically, they responded the reformation in the same way as in the early history of Indonesian politics, i.e., they are interested much in struggling their political interest in the formalistic ways. This study has found that the Islamic figures who struggling political Islam in the substantive ways are entrapped in formalistic struggle. Compared to the era of Old and New Order political system, some politician Muslims hardly offer new political strategies. Their political attitudes have been promoted so far are merely on the following three points. First is an interest to raise their political parties to the power. Second is to pose their groups without any good quality agenda. Third, inconsistency of some figure in struggling for Muslim society, they struggling for their own group. Instead, It seem that the attitude of some elite politician Muslims is influenced by political changes and their religious understandings. It is clear that if political Islam is struggled without any good and distinct concept or agenda, the politician Muslims would face some obstacles which are difficult to be solved. Therefore, basic wide-ranging understanding is necessary for politician Muslims in comprehending some political affairs in Indonesia.

The Ethiopian No-Party State: A Note on the Functions of Political Parties in Developing States

1964 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 947-950 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert L. Hess ◽  
Gerhard Loewenberg
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Recent History ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Continent ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
History Of ◽  
Party State

The emergence of political parties performing important functions in the political system has characterized the recent history of much of the African continent. The new party systems have taken various forms, including single parties with a narrow ruling elite, as in Liberia, or with mass support, as in Guinea; two-party systems where one mass party is dominant, as is the case in Kenya; and multi-party systems, as in Nigeria and Somalia. In two states, Libya and Sudan, once-flourishing political parties have been banned. Only in Ethiopia (Etritrea excluded) have there never been political parties. The Empire of the Conquering Lion of Judah can well be termed a no-party state. In Ethiopia today no organization exists that would or could describe itself as a political party.

PERAN JALALUDIN RAKHMAT SEBAGAI AKTOR DALAM PERJUANGAN HAK-HAK MINORITAS DI PARLEMEN

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-90
Author(s):  
Hamdani Kurniawan ◽  
Ari Ganjar Herdiansah ◽  
Husin Muhammad Al-Banjari
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Depth Interview ◽  
Political Intervention

Minority groups often get discriminatory treatment from the surrounding socio-political environment .Therefore, They always fight for their right through political path. This study examines the role of an actor in fighting for the minorities’ right in parliament by highlighting the case of Jalaludin Rakhmat when he was a member of the House of Representatives Council in 2014-2019. The focus of this study is highlighting the political role of Jalaludin Rakhmat in fighting for the interests of the Syiah Group in the DPR, including describing the various dynamics along with it. The method used in this study is qualitative by collecting in depth-interview data with Jalaludin Rakhmat, several PDIP politicians, Syiah figures in West Java, and socio-political observers. The documents reading related to Jalaludin Rakhmat’s activities in both scientific journals and national news was also carried out to deepen the context and issues of Syiah in Indonesia. The results of this study revealed that Jalaludin Rakhmat’s role in legislative represents an actor-centered effort to intervene in the political process which aims to provide space for Syia groups to fulfill their various interests. However, from its political intervention efforts, it turned out that there were not many pro-Syia policy products.The success of Jalaludin Rakhmat’s intervention can not be determined only by the ability of the actor, but also by the political structure in the DPR. In addition, the identity attached to an actor also affects the success of his achievements in fulfilling his interests. Minority interest issues are still considered politically disadvantageous for political parties. This study concludes that minority actors who make it into parliament do not necessarily correlate with the opening of the political system to the struggle of minority groups.

Hastings Donnan and Pnina Werbner (eds). Economy and Culture in Pakistan: Migrants and Cities in a Muslim Society. London: Macmillan. 1991. 268 pp.

1992 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-328
Author(s):  
Ziaul Haque
Keyword(s):  
Urban Areas ◽  
Political System ◽  
Direct Result ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Population Movements ◽  
Social Fabric ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Divide ◽  
Different Parts

Modem economic factors and forces are rapidly transforming the world into a single society and economy in which the migration of people at the national and international levels plays an important role. Pakistan, as a modem nation, has characteristically been deeply influenced by such migrations, both national and international. The first great exodus occurred in 1947 when over eight million Indian Muslims migrated from different parts of India to Pakistan. Thus, from the very beginning mass population movements and migrations have been woven into Pakistan's social fabric through its history, culture and religion. These migrations have greatly influenced the form and substance of the national economy, the contours of the political system, patterns of urbanisation and the physiognomy of the overall culture and history of the country. The recent political divide of Sindh on rural/Sindhi, and urban/non-Sindhi, ethnic and linguistic lines is the direct result of these earlier settlements of these migrants in the urban areas of Sindh.

Jus Tempus in the Magna Carta: The Sovereignty of Time in Modern Politics and Citizenship

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (03) ◽  
pp. 463-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth F. Cohen
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
The Political ◽  
Place Of Birth ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Modern Politics ◽  
American Tradition ◽  
History Of ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
The Right ◽  
Constitutional Tradition

In the English constitutional tradition, subjecthood has been primarily derived from two circumstances: place of birth and time of birth. People not born in the right place and at the right time are not considered subjects. What political status they hold varies and depends largely on the political history of the territory in which they reside at the exact time of their birth. A genealogy of early modern British subjecthood reveals that law based on dates and temporal durations—what I will call collectivelyjus tempus—creates sovereign boundaries as powerful as territorial borders or bloodlines. This concept has myriad implications for how citizenship comes to be institutionalized in modern politics. In this article, I briefly outline one route through whichjus tempusbecame a constitutive principle within the Anglo-American tradition of citizenship and how this concept works with other principles of membership to create subtle gradations of semi-citizenship beyond the binary of subject and alien. I illustrate two main points aboutjus tempus: first, how specific dates create sovereign boundaries among people and second, how durational time takes on an abstract value in politics that allows certain kinds of attributes, actions, and relationships to be translated into rights-bearing political statuses. I conclude with some remarks about how, once established, the principle ofjus tempusis applied in a diverse array of political contexts.

The Mensheviks and NEP Society in Russia

1982 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 347-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Brovkin
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Changes ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Soviet Regime ◽  
New Period ◽  
History Of

AbstractContemporary scholarship on the development of the Soviet political system in the 1920s has largely bypassed the history of the Menshevik opposition. Those historians who regard NEP as a mere transition to Stalinism have dismissed the Menshevik experience as irrelevant,1 and those who see a democratic potential in the NEP system have focused on the free debates in the Communist party (CP), the free peasantry, the market economy, and the free arts.2 This article aims to revise some aspects of both interpretations. The story of the Mensheviks was not over by 1921. On the contrary, NEP opened a new period in the struggles over independent trade unions and elections to the Soviets; over the plight of workers and the whims of the Red Directors; over the Cheka terror and the Menshevik strategies of coping with Bolshevism. The Menshevik experience sheds new light on the transformation of the political process and the institutional changes in the Soviet regime in the course of NEP. In considering the major facets of the Menshevik opposition under NEP, I shall focus on the election campaign to the Soviets during the transition to NEP, subsequent Bolshevik-Menshevik relations, and the writings in the Menshevik underground samizdat press.

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