Understanding audience affiliation in response to political speeches in Japan

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ofer Feldman ◽  
Peter Bull
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Response Rate ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Rhetorical Devices ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Political Speeches ◽  
Prime Function

Affiliative response invitations were analysed in 38 speeches delivered during the 2009 Japanese general election by 18 candidates for the House of Representatives (the lower house of the National Diet of Japan). The results clearly replicated those reported by Bull and Feldman (2011) in their analysis of the 2005 Japanese general election. Highly significant correlations were found between the two studies not only for the overall pattern of affiliative responses, but also for each type of response (applause, laughter and cheering). In both studies, over 70% of affiliative responses occurred in response to explicit invitations from the speaker. This contrasts with British political meetings, where applause occurs principally in response to implicit rhetorical devices. However, the candidates’ electoral success showed no significant correlations either with overall affiliative response rate, or with rates for applause, laughter or cheering. It is proposed that the prime function of affiliative response invitations at these meetings is not so much to win votes as to give the audience the opportunity to express their support both for the candidates and for the political parties they represent.

scholarly journals La renta básica universal y los Programas Electorales 2016 de los Partidos Políticos

2019 ◽  
pp. 237-255
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Social Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Basic Income ◽  
Social Equality

Resumen: El trabajo se centra en una cuestión poco tratada, como es la renta básica universal y su relación con los actuales programas de los partidos políticos, con los que han concurrido a las elecciones generales, con una doble dimensión: a) lo que cada programa presenta y defiende acerca de esta renta o medidas similares (justificación, alcance y límites), y b) una vez esbozadas la idea y alcance de la renta en cada partido, el análisis comparativo de las diversas propuestas de los partidos, abundando en la cercanía o la distancia de tales propuestas con una renta básica universal Palabras clave:renta básica universal, rentas de solidaridad, políticas sociales, igualdad social, soluciones a la pobreza. Abstract: The work focuses on a little-treated issue, as it is the universal basic income and its relationship with existing programmes of the political parties, which have attended the general election, with a double dimension: (a) what each program presents and defends about this income or similar measures (justification, scope and limits), and b) once outlined the idea and scope of the income in each party, the comparative analysis of the various proposals of the parties, abounding in the closeness or distance of such proposals with a universal basic income. Keywords:universal basic income, income from solidarity, social policy, social equality, solutions to poverty.

scholarly journals Transferencias de recursos y partidos políticos. Estudio de los municipios mexicanos

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (19) ◽  
Author(s):  
Silverio Tamez Garza ◽  
Adriana Verónica Hinojosa Cruz ◽  
Carlos Augusto Jiménez Zárate
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
The Political ◽  
Allocation Of Resources ◽  
Partido Revolucionario Institucional ◽  
Chamber Of Deputies

Abstract. In this paper we analyze how much influence the political party with the largest nationwide (Partido Revolucionario Institucional: PRI) in the Congress, specifically the House of Representatives, in the distribution of the Funds of Branch 23: Paving Fund and Sports Spaces for Municipalities, for the year 2010 which is when this fund was created and for the year 2011. The results of our analysis were that there is a positive impact in the influence ofthe political party with the largest presence in the Chamber of Deputies in the allocation of resources to those municipalities that are governed by mayors from the PRI.Keywords: municipalities, paving and spaces fund goods, political parties, populationResumen. En el presente artículo se analiza la influencia que puede presentar laconfiguración de la Cámara de Diputados con una mayoría por partido en la asignación de recursos hacia las entidades federativas y municipios. Se tomó el caso del Fondo de Pavimentación y Espacios Deportivos para Municipios comparando la distribución en el año de su creación (2010) cuando no se emitieron reglas para su acceso con el siguiente año (2011) tomando en cuenta nuevos criterios. El resultado que nos arroja nuestro análisis es que existe una incidencia positiva en cuanto a la influencia política que se ejerce cuando unexiste mayoría en la representación partidista en la Cámara de Diputados.Palabras clave: fondo de pavimentación y espacios deportivos, municipios, partidos políticos, población

scholarly journals Introduction (Special Edition – The Presidential Nomination Process)

2008 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 289-291
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Steger
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Special Edition ◽  
Presidential Nomination ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Democratic Country

Understanding why certain candidates get nominated is an important aspect of political scientists. This topic is a narrow one and influences a wider variety of subjects such as the political parties, general elections, and even the extent to which the United States is a democratic country. Presidential nominees matter—they become the foremost spokesperson and the personified image of the party (Miller and Gronbeck 1994), the main selectors of issues and policies for their party’s general election campaign (Petrocik 1996; Tedesco 2001), a major force in defining the ideological direction of a political party (Herrera 1995), and candidates that voters select among in the general election. This volume is devoted to presidential nominations and the 2008 nomination specifically.

Bound But Not Gagged

2001 ◽  
Vol 34 (5) ◽  
pp. 493-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW K. MILTON
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Organizational Analysis ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Dependent Position ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Institutional Connection

This article examines general patterns of the politics of media reform in Hungary, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, and Taiwan, all societies transitioning to democracy. Although the media are becoming more free and independent in each, there remain significant political constraints on journalism in all four countries. Using arguments from organizational analysis, the author contends that the persistence of institutional connection between the media and the government, state, and political parties has left the media in a politically dependent position. This dependence is manipulated by politicians across the political spectrum in an effort to sustain electoral success and political authority. The prevalence of this pattern in Taiwan indicates that the so-called Leninist legacy is not always the primary inhibitor of greater liberalization. The difficulties in all four countries indicate, the author contends, that rebuilding old institutions differs from creating brand new democratic ones.

scholarly journals Politics and Political Participation of “Grass-Roots” in General Election 2019, Bandar Selamat Regency, Medan, Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rehia K. Isabella Barus ◽  
Armansyah Matondang ◽  
Nina Angelia ◽  
Beby Masitho Batubara
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
The People ◽  
The Right ◽  
Two Stages

Ahead of the 2019 general election which is divided into two stages, namely the Legislative election and the Presidential election. This event is the right moment to find out the political participation of the people at the grass-roots level while at the same time seeing the interaction between the people in the grass-roots and political parties. The interaction that wants to be seen is what forms of political behavior and community participation at the grassroots, as well as how political parties behave in interacting with this community. Then the important point that is also seen is how political parties behave in involving and seeking to raise support from the community. In the end, through this research, it will be known the quality of political participation from the public and electoral political parties in 2019.

scholarly journals La barrera legal en las elecciones al Congreso de los Diputados y su posible reforma

2020 ◽  
pp. 233
Author(s):  
Joan Oliver Araujo
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Autonomous Region ◽  
The Real ◽  
Lower House

Este trabajo analiza la «barrera electoral» o «cláusula de exclusión» establecida por ley para las elecciones al Congreso de los Diputados (el tres por ciento de los votos válidos emitidos en la circunscripción). Tras estudiar el alcance y efectividad real de esta barrera, así como las consecuencias de incluir los «votos en blanco» dentro de los «votos válidos», nos preguntamos sobre los motivos que justificaron (durante la Transición Política) y siguen justificando (en la actualidad) la aplicación de una barrera electoral «casi» ineficaz. Por último, analizamos las tres propuestas de reforma de dicha cláusula (para que deje de tener carácter ornamental y pase a tener eficacia excluyente): primera, elevar la barrera del tres al cinco por ciento de los votos válidos emitidos en la circunscripción; segunda, mantener la barrera en el tres por ciento, pero realizando el cómputo sobre los votos emitidos en todo el Estado; y tercera, la suma de las dos medidas anteriores, esto es, situar la barrera en el cinco por ciento de los votos válidos emitidos en todo el Estado (aunque con cláusulas específicas para los partidos políticos que limitan su actuación a una Comunidad Autónoma concreta).This paper analyzes the «electoral barrier» or «exclusion clause» established by law for the elections to the Lower House (three percent of the valid votes cast in the constituency). After studying the real scope and effectiveness of this barrier, as well as the consequences of considering «blank votes» as «valid votes», we wonder about the reasons that justified (during the Political Transition) and (currently) still justify the application of an «almost» inefficient electoral barrier. Finally, we analyze the three reform proposals for this clause (so that it is no longer ornamental and becomes discriminatory): first, to raise the barrier from three to five percent of the valid votes cast in the constituency; second, to maintain the barrier at three percent, but by counting votes cast throughout the State; and third, the combination of the two previous measures, that is, to set the barrier at five percent of the valid votes cast throughout the State (although with specific clauses for political parties that limit their performance to a specific autonomous region).

scholarly journals RHETORICAL DEVICES IN THE AMERICAN LEADERS’ POLITICAL SPEECHES AS THE MANIPULATION WAYS OF THE CITIZENS’ PUBLIC CONSCIOUSNESS

2021 ◽  
pp. 45-51
Author(s):  
Dolynskiy I.V.
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Information Technologies ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Political Speech ◽  
Rhetorical Devices ◽  
Political Speeches

Increasing of language contacts, globalization and internationalization of public relations, expansion of modern information technologies encourage a comprehensive study of modern English communication. Political activity has always played a special role in society. An important role in determining the country’s international image is played by its presentation by the country’s political leaders. With the help of speeches, politicians have the opportunity to address both the international community and the citizens of their country. Direct contact with the audience determines the choice of lexical, syntactic and phonetic means in the design of speech. Political speeches have three main functions: the communication function, the announcement function and the influence function. American oratory theorists point to the need for the speaker to concentrate on composing his speech, taking into account the audience reaction what he is trying to provoke. Much attention in the American oratory theory is paid to the speech compositional construction. One of the political discourse genres is political speech. Presidential political speech is an oral political text, which is proclaimed by the president to a mass audience, sets urgent tasks in a particular sphere of public life, and gives recommendations for the implementation of tasks. It performs the functions of persuasion, agitation, congratulations, has a pre-created script, which depends on the communicative situation. The construction of a political speech is based on the principle of argumentation (introduction, main part, final part), which facilitates the speech audience perception. The study was based on the political speeches texts of two American presidents – John F. Kennedy, Ronald Reagan and presidential candidate Hillary Clinton. The analyzed speeches have different topics: inaugural addresses of presidents, comments during hostilities and diplomatic (delivered during visits). The article highlights the concept of political discourse; it’s identified and described the main types of political speeches; revealed the linguistic and stylistic features and expression means of John F. Kennedy’s; Ronald Reagan; Hillary Clinton political speeches.Key words: English discourse, political speeches, linguistic and stylistic aspect, translation aspect, rhetorical devices. Розширення мовних контактів, глобалізація та інтернаціоналізація суспільних відносин, впровадження сучасних інформаційних технологій спонукають до всебічного дослідження сучасної англомовної комунікації. Політична діяльність завжди відігравала особливу роль у житті суспільства. Політичний дискурс – це явище, з яким люди стикаються щодня. Боротьба за владу є основною темою та рушійним мотивом цієї сфери спіл-кування. Політична комунікація, орієнтована на викладення тих чи інших політичних подій, пропаганду ідей, установок, цінностей, володіє емоційним та інтелектуальним впливом на свідомість громадян. Важливу роль у визначенні іміджу країни відіграє спосіб презентації політичними лідерами держави. За допомогою виступів політики мають можливість звернутися як до міжнародної спільноти, так і до громадян своєї країни. Прямий контакт з аудиторією зумовлює вибір лексичних, синтаксичних і фонетичних засобів в оформленні промови. Політичні промови мають три основні функції: функцію спілкування, функцію повідомлення та функцію впливу. Теоретики американського ораторського мистецтва вказують на необхідність оратора сконцентруватися на тому, щоб його промова була складена, враховуючи реакцію аудиторії, яку він намагається викликати. Велика увага в теорії американського ораторського мистецтва приділяється композиційній побудові ораторської промови. Одним із жанрів політичного дискурсу є політична промова. Президентська політична промова – це усний політичний текст, який проголошується президентом перед масовою аудиторією, ставить назрілі завдання в тій чи іншій сфері громадського життя, дає рекомендації щодо здійснення поставлених завдань. Вона виконує функції переконання, агітації, вітання, має завчасно створений сценарій, який залежить від комунікативної ситуації. Побудова політичної промови засновується на принципі аргументації (вступ, основна частина, завершальна частина), що полегшує сприйняття промови аудиторією. На основі аналізу текстів політичних промов можна змоделювати інтереси, вподобання, типові реакції політичного лідера, його уявлення про друзів і ворогів. Матеріалом дослідження слугували тексти політичних промов двох американських президентів – Джона Кеннеді, Рональда Рейгана – й кандидата в президенти Гілларі Клінтон. Проаналізовані промови мають різну тематику: інавгураційні звернення президентів, коментарі під час воєнних дій і дипломатичні (що виголошувалися під час візитів). У статті викладено поняття політичного дискурсу; визначено й описано основні типи полі-тичних промов; виявлено лінгвостилістичні особливості й засоби вираження політичних промов Джона Кеннеді, Рональда Рейгана, Гілларі Клінтон.Ключові слова:англомовний дискурс, політичні промови, лінгвостилістичний аспект, перекладацький аспект, риторичні прийоми.

The Japanese Privy Council

1931 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 881-905
Author(s):  
Kenneth Colegrove
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Japanese Government ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Privy Council ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Considerable Part ◽  
Party Government ◽  
Lower House ◽  
History Of

The growth of the democratic element in Japanese government has not been without effect on the Privy Council. In the early years of its history, the Council and the ministry were institutions serving the same classes and seeing eye to eye. This was true not only under the presidency of Ito, Oki, and Yamagata (1889-94), but also even during a considerable part of the period when party government was struggling for supremacy. In those days, political parties in the House of Representatives were balked by the bureaucrats, clansmen, and militarists entrenched in the administrative branch, while the seats in the Council were occupied by the great leaders of these controlling classes. But the doctrine of ministerial responsibility had begun to take root. In 1895, the Ito ministry abandoned the principle of executive independence of political parties and accepted an alliance with the Jiyuto, or Liberal party. In 1898, the Kenseito, or Constitutional party, under the leadership of Okuma and Itagaki, was given the opportunity of forming the first party cabinet in the history of Japan. Upon its fall, caused by internal dissension, the succeeding ministry under Yamagata (1898-1900) contained no party men, although the premier condescended to an alliance with the Kenseito. In 1900, Ito himself formed the Seiyukai, and brought the second party cabinet into office. But it was not until the first Kenseikai ministry, under Okuma and Kato (1914-16), and the fifth Seiyukai ministry under Hara (1918-21), that well-grounded ministerial parties controlled the lower house.

Le nationalisme minoritaire: le cas de la Tchécoslovaquie

1974 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 248-267
Author(s):  
Stanislav J. Kirschbaum
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
National State ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
International Support ◽  
Asymmetrical Model ◽  
Nationalist Parties

Minority nationalism: the case of CzechoslovakiaThere exists a type of nationalism which has been manifesting itself more and more in recent years, namely the nationalism of minority national groups who do not necessarily seek to destroy the multi-national state in which they live, but merely seek to restructure it so as to be better able to pursue national goals compatible with their life in the state. Using Slovak minority nationalism as a case-study, the author shows how through two regimes, a democratic and a communist one, Slovak leaders have fought for autonomy, an asymmetrical model, and finally a symmetrical federation. From the study of the political and constitutional programs, the battles fought around them and the eventual solution, it becomes evident that two conditions must exist in order to have minority nationalism: (1) the existence of one or more political parties who articulate the political and constitutional demands for the re-structuring of the multinational state and (2) opposition or refusal to implement these demands by the central government. The author adds three elements which enable the measurement of minority nationalism:(1) the strength and electoral success of the nationalist parties; (2) the degree of opposition by the central government – the greater the opposition, the greater the minority nationalism; (3) international support.

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