Jural Relations between the Sexes among the Barabaig

Africa ◽  
1964 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Klima

Opening ParagraphMany accounts of African tribal societies lack information concerning the role of women in social control and political organization. Social control is seen largely as the prerogative of males, even in societies where matriliny serves as a basis for establishing rules of succession to positions of authority. Of course, there are exceptional cases where authority and political leadership has been vested in women, e.g. the Lobedu of the Transvaal, but generally speaking, the establishment and maintenance of law and order by legitimate authority, within a specific territory, has been considered by many anthropologists to be almost exclusively the preoccupation and franchise of the male members of a society.

1981 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
David H. Flaherty

The first object of this article is to present some findings from an analysis of criminal activity in an early modern society, as measured primarily through various records of the Massachusetts Superior Court of Judicature, Court of Assize, and General Jail Delivery (the Assizes) from its creation in 1692 to the eve of the American Revolution. Since the amount of serious criminal behaviour revealed by this evidence seems small, the article will then seek to identify the most important components of the system of social control over criminality evidently at work in provincial Massachusetts. These include a conscious effort to maintain a homogeneous population, a pattern of collective settlement in townships, an effective system of prosecuting serious breaches of the criminal law, the commitment of elite groups in town, church, county, and province to law and order, and the role of the family in teaching and assuring appropriate behaviour.


Africa ◽  
1956 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 332-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Tait

Opening ParagraphSince the household contains members drawn from the larger minor lineage group, we may expect to find that it functions within the framework of the latter. This is indeed the way in which Konkomba think of the household—as part of something larger, as something that is now isolated from and now merged in the larger group. The phrase ‘Ti je mfum mba’ (we are one) may refer to a household, a minor lineage group, a major lineage group, a clan, a tribe or the whole Konkomba people. When speaking of co-operation they speak in terms of the minor lineage group rather than in terms of the household. We shall try to differentiate the role of the household as a unit of reciprocal help, of social control, and of instruction, &c.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 475-505
Author(s):  
Janine Bargas ◽  
Danila Gentil Rodriguez Cal

Analisa-se o papel da mulher na organização sociopolítica atual do movimento quilombola no Pará. Com base na teoria do Reconhecimento e na perspectiva intersubjetiva de Comunicação, argumentamos que houve um deslocamento do papel da mulher nessas lutas: das responsabilidades domésticas à liderança política. A partir dos conceitos de reconhecimento, mobilização, ação coletiva e poder e também de dados de questionários, relatórios e outros documentos, examinamos o caráter interseccional dessa atuação política. Concluímos que está ocorrendo um processo de complexificação dos lugares e dos papéis da mulher quilombola por meio do associativismo e da construção de solidariedade, das mobilizações e da atuação para ampliação dos padrões de reconhecimento.   PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Mulheres; Movimento Quilombola; Reconhecimento; Relações de Poder.     ABSTRACT It analyzes the role of women in the current sociopolitical organization of the quilombo movement in Pará. Based on the theory of recognition and intersubjective perspective of communication, we argue that there was a displacement of the role of women in these struggles: from domestic responsibilities to the political leadership. From the concepts of recognition, mobilization, collective action and power, as well as data from questionnaires, reports and other documents, we examine the intersectional nature of this political action. We conclude that is ocurring a process of complexification of the places and roles of quilombola women through associativism and the construction of solidarity, mobilizations and action to broaden recognition patterns.   KEYWORDS: Women; Quilombola Movement; Recognition; Power relations.     RESUMEN Se analiza el papel de la mujer en la organización sociopolítica actual del movimiento quilombola en Pará. Con base en la teoría del Reconocimiento y en la perspectiva intersubjetiva de Comunicación, argumentamos que hubo un desplazamiento del papel de la mujer en esas luchas: de las responsabilidades domésticas al liderazgo político. A partir de los conceptos de reconocimiento, movilización, acción colectiva y poder y también de datos de cuestionarios, informes y otros documentos, examinamos el carácter interseccional de esa actuación política. Concluimos que está ocurriendo un proceso de complejidad de los lugares y de los papeles de la mujer quilombola por medio del asociativismo y de la construcción de solidaridad, de las movilizaciones y de la actuación para la ampliación de los patrones de reconocimiento.   PALABRAS CLAVE: Mujeres; Movimiento Quilombola; Reconocimiento; Relaciones de Poder.  


Author(s):  
Morteza Nouraei ◽  
Vanessa Martin

AbstractThis, the second of our three articles on the role of the karguzar in the foreign relations of Iran, focuses on internal issues, and, in particular, the problems of security. Its main period of study is the years following the Constitutional Revolution during which Iran witnessed a gradual breakdown of social control resulting from severe government weakness. The Revolution, itself the product of financial fragility, led to the virtual bankruptcy of the country, despite the attempts of the Majlis at fiscal reform. Thus by 1910 the government did not have the means to enforce law and order. Problems of personal security placed considerable pressure on people at all levels of Iranian society. This article is, however, concerned with the experiences of the non-elite and the implications for them of financial crisis and weak government. These circumstances were also to have repercussions for Iran's relations with foreigners.


Africa ◽  
1971 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 279-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter M. Weil

Opening ParagraphWithin a historical and comparative context, the following paper describes and analyses the role of masked figures in social control among the Mandinka of the Gambia. A direct relationship will be demonstrated between the problems of rule-application in hierarchical communities, where authority for rule-making and rule-application is dispersed, and the presence and behaviour of masked figures. In such communities secular actions taken in the rule-application process by individuals or groups bear a load of potential conflict. Masked figures in this context provide a mechanism through which the probability of sustained, divisive conflict is decreased by converting secular actions of rule-application into sacred, suprasocial actions. The integration of the hierarchically ordered elements of the community is thus accomplished in two ways: (1) through the capacity of the masked figures to apply rules while remaining above all elements of the community and (2) through the organized actions involved in creating and maintaining the masked figures and the ceremonial context in which they operate. It will be shown that the socio-cultural milieu in which sacred masked figures have functioned has changed, and that with the changes masked figures are becoming secularized and are disappearing.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (03) ◽  
pp. 263-270
Author(s):  
Syed Zeeshan Haider Zaidi ◽  

In Islam this is Gods right to rule over man and he gave this right according to Sunni Islam to everyone who possesses some abilities mentioned in books written by jurists but Shia Muslims believe that not only God is legitimate authority, He also appointed specific persons for political leadership after prophet Mohammad (peace upon him), they are twelve Imam the last Imam Mahdi(peace upon him) went to major occultation in 941 and till sixteenth century Shia Muslims could not establish government like Safivids dynasty in Iran.The rise of the modern nation-state in the Middle East in the early 20 century led to debates around the role of the clergy in the state and the nature of an Islamic state There was a controversial debate about constitution, is it legitimated according to Islam or not? In the responseTanbih al ummah va Tanzih al Millahwas written by Mirza Naini. He supported the idea of making constitution and legitimacy of assembly where representatives of people can do legislation because these two can control kings selfishness and make him away from tyranny. He also accepted concept of nation-state and proved that these concepts are not bidah.(condemnable innovation in religion)He believed in equality of common people with rulers along with their right of freedom.


Africa ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick D. McEvoy

Opening ParagraphThis paper deals with certain implications of our ‘conventional understandings’ of the Kru and Grebo peoples of the Cape Palmas region of coastal West Africa. These ‘traditional’ scholarly understandings of ‘traditional’ political organization, when combined with misfocused questions about the nature of ethnicity, effectively preclude accurate knowledge not only of traditional polities but also of how a people's ethnic identity may be redefined with changing circumstances. Subjecting traditional perspectives as well as ethnographic data to re-examination may clarify the complex role of ethnicity among the Kru and Grebo.


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