Kinship Organization of the Banyankole

Africa ◽  
1938 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kalervo Oberg
Keyword(s):  
School Teacher ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Common Language ◽  
Realistic Approach ◽  
The Family ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Government ◽  
Opening Paragraph

Opening ParagraphAn outstanding feature of the kinship organization of the Baniyankole is its lack of uniformity. Here we have an African tribe composed of pastoralists and agriculturalists, whose respective kinship organizations reveal marked differences, despite the fact that they have for a long time inhabited a common territory, spoken a common language, and practised many similar customs. Besides these two, so to speak, original forms there are the more recent variations due to European influences. If we are to study the family, for instance, we shall have to consider several types. There is the family of the Muhima herdsman, the family of the agricultural Mwiru of the old type, the family of the peasant who owns cattle and grows coffee, and the family of the government clerk or school teacher. Similarly, if we were to study the political organization, we should have to consider the old form of Banyankole kingship as it existed when the British took over the administration of Ankole, the outlines of which we are able to construct not only from the present form of government but also from official documents and the memories of missionaries and natives who lived at the time, and the series of changes that have taken place in this form of government. It at once becomes apparent that we are here dealing with variations and change. Differences in time and space are as much facts of the case as are the peculiarities and general features of a given item of culture. Any realistic approach to the variations and changes in the kinship organization of the Banyankole, therefore, calls not only for description but for comparison and interpretation.

Village Institutes of Turkey

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Filiz Meşeci Giorgetti
Keyword(s):  
Teacher Training ◽  
Primary School ◽  
School Teacher ◽  
Learning By Doing ◽  
Primary School Teacher ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Village ◽  
Village Institutes

In the 1930s, the primary schooling rate in Turkey was significantly low compared to the European states. Ninety percent of the population lived in villages without any schools and teachers. Therefore, promoting primary education was addressed as an issue concerning villages in Turkey. The seeds of the intellectual infrastructure in the emergence of institutes were sown at the beginning of the 20th century, during the Ottoman rule. To train teachers for villages, Village Teacher Training School [Köy Muallim Mektebi] was founded in 1927 and Village Instructor Training Course [Köy Eğitmen Kursu] in 1936. However, these initiatives were not sufficient in terms of quality and quantity. Village teacher training experiences, new education, and work school trends of Europe were analyzed by Turkish educators, opinions of foreign and Turkish experts were received, and the Village Institutes [Köy Enstitüleri] project was carried into effect based on the realities of Turkey. The first Village Institutes opened in 1937. They were established in a restricted area, with a limited budget, and a non-common curriculum until the Village Institute Law was promulgated in 1940. On April 17, 1940, the law prescribing their establishment was approved by the parliament. The number of the Village Institutes, which spread over the Turkish geography evenly, reached 21 by 1949. The period between 1940 and 1947 was when the Village Institutes were most productive. Learning by doing and principles of productive work were embraced at the Village Institutes. The curriculum consisted of three components: general culture, agriculture, and technical courses. In addition to their teaching duties, the primary school teachers that graduated from the Village Institutes undertook the mission of guiding villagers in agricultural and technical issues and having them adopt the nation-state ideology in villages. World balances changing after the Second World War also affected the Village Institutes. In 1946, the founding committee of the Village Institutes were accused of leftism and had to leave their offices for political reasons. After the founding committee stepped aside, the Village Institutes started to be criticized by being subjected to the conflict between left-wing and right-wing. Following the government changeover in 1950, radical changes regarding the curricula, students, and teachers of the institutes were made. Making the Village Institutes unique, the production- and work-oriented aspects were eliminated, and the institutes were closed down in 1954 and converted into Primary School Teacher Training Schools. Although the Village Institutes existed only between 1937 and 1954, their social, economic, and political effects were felt for a long time through the teachers, health officers, and inspectors they trained.

Some Notes on the Political Organization of the Venda-speaking Tribes

Africa ◽  
1930 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 306-322 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. P. Lestrade
Keyword(s):  
Political Organization ◽  
Large Region ◽  
The Political ◽  
Opening Paragraph

Opening ParagraphThe following notes are based mainly on information collected by the writer at Mbilwi (‘Sibasa’) from members of Mphaphuli's tribe, and at Tshakhuma (‘Tshakoma’) from members of Madzivhandila's tribe, and supplemented elsewhere in the Venda area. Obviously, over such a large region, a number of variations from the norm here indicated may be expected to exist; but it is thought that what is here given represents in substance, if not in all details, Venda law and custom in respect of this sphere of this people's life

scholarly journals Hungary: Orban’s atypical programme of solving the crisis

2011 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-319
Author(s):  
Misa Djurkovic
Keyword(s):  
Economic Reform ◽  
Economic Situation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Opposition Party ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

The article deals with the political and economic situation in Hungary in the last several years. The author firstly points to the causes of decline of influence of the previous socialist government and the heavy defeat of the socialists in the 2010 elections and the success of the right party Fidesz. After winning the elections, the Viktor Orban government started, at an accelerated rate, to implement the pre-election programme of Fidesz that had been prepared for a long time while it was an opposition party. The author is of the opinion that this programme is atypical, very radical and unique by many characteristics in the Europe of today. He points out that only a year after Fidesz victory the government and the parliament adopted quite a number of laws, a new Constitution and a set of risky measures of recovery that should lead to a substantial economic reform. The author particularly underlines the fact that the government decided to break of negotiation with IMF, reject its recommendations and try to overcome over-indebtedness by carrying out its own ideas.

Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Joseph A. Fry
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Western World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Territorial Integrity ◽  
Democratic Government ◽  
Self Image ◽  
World Power ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Independent Country

The North’s victory in the American Civil War had profound domestic and international significance. By prevailing in this epic conflict, the United States preserved both the nation’s territorial integrity and its experiment in republicanism and democracy. Sustaining territorial integrity and republicanism enabled the nation to continue its ascent toward world power status and to emerge in the twentieth century as the world’s foremost democratic government. The South’s secession and forceful defense of slavery challenged US nationalism, liberalism, and sense of providential destiny. The young nation had been an independent country for fewer than eighty years, and neither its survival nor its form of government was firmly established in 1861. To the contrary, at the midpoint of the nineteenth century, it was unclear that the “nation state—as opposed to empires or confederations—would define the political organization of Europe and the Americas” or that democratic government would not fall before monarchial or aristocratic rule in the western world. Therefore, the Union’s victory provided a great boost to both nationalism and liberalism in the Americas and Europe and reinforced the American self-image as a chosen people....

scholarly journals Det muslimske brorskap i Egypten

1983 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan-Olaf Blichfeldt
Keyword(s):  
Political Campaigns ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic Tradition ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Basic Approaches ◽  
The One ◽  
Activist Groups

When, after the first World War, the Association of Muslim Brothers was formed, it soon established itself as the largest movement among the political Islamic groups in the country. Hasan al-Banna, originally a teacher, founded the Association in Ismailia as a religious society in 1928. In 1939, however, the Brotherhood came to be a political organization, and began to participate in various political campaigns. Having as one of their main tenets that everything foreign to the recognized teachings of Islam ought to be abandoned, the brothers fought the British role in Egypt as well as the Jewish settlements in Palestine. Up to the revolution of the 23rd of July, 1952, their political activity increased considerably, conspiring at the same time with both the regime and its opponents. In 1954 the new government decided to dissolve the Brotherhood, and during the next twenty years, they were intensively harassed and out in jail. From the mid-seventies the Brothers began to be released and were even permitted to resume their activities as a religious society.’Both during the time of Hasan al-Banna and in recent years the political confrontation between the Brotherhood and the regime has frequently been characterized by a well-founded literary propagandism. That is, various kinds of books, magazines and pamphlets which in a politically exaggerated form either defend the existing regime or oppose it. As to the former, it is – in addition to the more ordinary presentation of the government’s political positions and future plans – very much occupied with defining the concept of practical Islam by emphasizing its cultural achievements of the past while at the same time limiting its present role to be basically individual and spiritual. Reversibly, the opposition literature is agitating by means of claiming various political implementation of Islam. It has two basic approaches. There is the more direct mode where arguments of rejection, mocking and damnation are propagated by comparing the day-to-day political events with ideal Islam. Then there is the more indirect kind, which compares the contemporary situation with the hardship and suppression which, according to the Islamic Tradition, are one of the signs that the final battle against evil accompanied by the Last Judgement, is immanent.More significant, however, is the fact that this trend of spreading agitative literature seems to indicate the kind of adapted political profilation which the Muslim Brotherhood has sought to establish, defining itself both as a legitimate and oppositional movement between the government on the one side, and the remaining activist groups, such as Takfir al-hidjra, on the other. 

scholarly journals Russia between Two Systems: Transit from The Atlantic World into the Eurasian- Pacific One

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 220-240
Author(s):  
M. V. Bratersky ◽  
G. I. Kutyrev
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Western World ◽  
Global Order ◽  
The Status ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Regional Order ◽  
The Government

The article analyzes Russia’s policy from the point of view of goals formulated by the government in response to challenges in international politics, economics and security, as well as challenges associated with the threat of losing the status of a great power, maintaining territorial integrity and independence. Russia’s dissatisfaction with the existing order of things – when its interests were not taken into account, and the West did not set any limits for itself, advancing its geopolitical interests –had been growing for a long time, however, most clearly manifested itself in the landmark 2014 when Western sanctions after the Crimean events pushed the Russian authorities and business to more active in the Asia-Pacific.The authors formulate a number of signs of the new regional order of the Asia-Pacific countries, which may develop into a new international (global) order. This type of system, according to the authors, will be more competitive and less hierarchical, within its framework there will not be a single dominant force or ideology, it will be based on a multitude of centers of power. Such a world order is more attractive for Russia than the unipolar Atlantic order. It will give the country the opportunity to use its own comparative advantages, such as territory, resources, hard power, a fairly rigid political organization and the ability to mobilize resources for strategic purposes. Nevertheless, it is important to understand that the modern non-Western world is still very amorphous, its future contours are blurred, and Asian business is still weakly responding to the Russian “turn to the East”.

Political Regime and Perspectives of its Research in Juridical Science

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (11) ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Дина Пайгина ◽  
Dina Paygina
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Current Situation ◽  
Political Freedom ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
The Government

The article analyzes discussion questions about the concept of a political regime and its relationship to related categories: “form of government”, “public regime” and others. Clarity in understanding will contribute to the correctness of classification of these categories, considered in theory. The article presents ideas that have influenced the understanding of political regimes. Particular attention is paid to works of ancient authors, who are still on top of their relevancy due to their flexibility, despite the fact that they were formulated many years ago. The author proposes to define a political regime as a degree of political freedom of the citizens, expressed in the established system of rights that citizens may use when exercising their freedom, as the framework within which it should be exercised, and as the degree of effectiveness of the government. The author substantiates the connection between the political regime and legislative dynamics, which serves as an illustration of the current situation as a result of the decision-making by government authorities.

ROLE OF CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 024-035
Author(s):  
Elena Garbuzarova
Keyword(s):  
Economic Reforms ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Constitutional Reforms ◽  
Central Asian Countries ◽  
The Government

Since gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian countries have embarked on state building with regard for the experience of developed countries. During the political modernization process, the countries of Central Asia heeded great attention to the constitution. The political elites in power have enshrined the separation of powers between the government branches in the basic law. At the same time, the institution of the president retained a special status in the state power system. This fact reflected the specifics of the development of new states, where the legislative body was absent or played an insignificant role for a prolonged time period. The president plays a major role in the political systems of the regional states (with the exception of Kyrgyzstan), which was manifested in his special status. As a result, a patron-client model has developed in the regional states, where the president acquires and maintains the loyalty of political elites through material incentives. Meanwhile, the regional countries were undergoing continuous constitutional reforms. The amendments to the fundamental law have been and are being used by the presidents of the Central Asian countries to maintain and reinforce their legitimacy. The need to solve this problem has increased in the context of a decline in economic growth and accumulated internal socio-economic problems. In 2020-2021, the coronavirus pandemic produced a negative impact. These challenges posed the task of implementing a new democratic transformation strategy for the executive authorities of the regional states, in particular, the expansion of powers in the legislative branch of government. At the present stage, a new balance of forces has emerged in Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, which involves a higher responsibility of the parliament and government for the implementation of socio-economic reforms. This afforded greater stability to the political regimes in these countries. In Tajikistan, a power centralization tendency has developed, and the position of the incumbent is being solidified. Hopes for carrying out structural economic reforms are pinned on the president. Kyrgyzstan has demonstrated a desire to develop parliamentarianism in order to prevent the development of authoritarian tendencies. However, the introduction of a parliamentary form of government did not lead to the solution of the country’s internal problems, primarily due to the continued enormous influence of informal institutions on the authorities. Major socio-economic problems faced by the Kyrgyz authorities in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic triggered another round of political tension in the country and ultimately led to a change of power and a transition to a presidential form of government. The changes introduced to the constitutions of the regional states create the appearance of the implementation of democratic principles and the use of procedures to improve the efficiency of the government. At the same time, institutional changes undermine socio-political stability, creating problems for further national development.

Chiefship and Politics in the Mlanje District of Southern Nyasaland

Africa ◽  
1961 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-45
Author(s):  
R. L. Wishlade
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Social Organization ◽  
East Africa ◽  
Central Africa ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Administrative District ◽  
Southern Province ◽  
The Social ◽  
Opening Paragraph

Opening ParagraphMlanje is an Administrative District in the Southern Province of Nyasaland. It is densely populated compared with other parts of Central Africa, having a population of 209,522 in 1945, which represented a density of 138 per square mile. The population is tribally heterogeneous, and was composed, in 1945, of 71 per cent. Nguru, 21 per cent. Nyanja, and 5 per cent. Yao people. The Nguru are the most recent arrivals, having immigrated into Nyasaland mainly during the present century. The term Nguru is used to refer to the representatives in Nyasaland of a number of tribes inhabiting that part of Portuguese East Africa which Lies to the east of Nyasaland; these immigrants call themselves Lomwe and in Mlanje are mainly Mihavani and Kokola. The Nyanja are the indigenous inhabitants of the area, who were living there before the invasion of the Mangoche Yao during the nineteenth century. Although they are linguistically distinct, the social organization of these three groups is markedly similar, and there has been a great deal of intermarriage between them, particularly between the Nyanja and the Nguru. No one of them is in sole occupation of a continuous stretch of territory, even the smallest residential groups are often tribally heterogeneous, the similarity of the social organization enabling Nyanja to be absorbed into Nguru hamlets and vice versa. For this reason it is impossible to use a tribal unit as a unit of reference in a discussion of the political organization of this area.

scholarly journals The Political System of Imperial China

1923 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 551-566 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold Scott Quigley
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Present System ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Imperial China ◽  
The Government ◽  
Centralized System

For more than two thousand years the government of China exhibited, in the main, the elements which characterized it when, in the reign of Ch'in Shih Huang Ti (221–209 B.C.), feudalism was abolished and a centralized system inaugurated. Through successive dynasties the changes introduced were in matters of detail. These facts admonish to unusual caution in the accepttance of the present system at its face value. “Republic,” “president,” “cabinet,” “parliament,” “courts,” “democracy,” —these are titles of Western institutions which continued to stand for the corresponding institutions in China when the latter were established upon the model of the former. Even in Western states the meaning of these terms varies, as does their application in actual government. It would be strange if a decade of republicanism in China had evolved a political organization which still remains largely an ideal among nations which have spent centuries of effort toward its attainment. New terms are applied more readily than old ways are altered. Different clothes may be a disguise, not a sure gauge of habitat or occupation. The more one strives to understand present political forces in China, the more is he driven to study the old régime.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document