Political Regime and Perspectives of its Research in Juridical Science

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (11) ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Дина Пайгина ◽  
Dina Paygina

The article analyzes discussion questions about the concept of a political regime and its relationship to related categories: “form of government”, “public regime” and others. Clarity in understanding will contribute to the correctness of classification of these categories, considered in theory. The article presents ideas that have influenced the understanding of political regimes. Particular attention is paid to works of ancient authors, who are still on top of their relevancy due to their flexibility, despite the fact that they were formulated many years ago. The author proposes to define a political regime as a degree of political freedom of the citizens, expressed in the established system of rights that citizens may use when exercising their freedom, as the framework within which it should be exercised, and as the degree of effectiveness of the government. The author substantiates the connection between the political regime and legislative dynamics, which serves as an illustration of the current situation as a result of the decision-making by government authorities.

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 85-91
Author(s):  
M.Yu. Martynova ◽  
◽  
D.M. Feoktistova ◽  
◽  

the author analyzes the problems of the activity and development of the political elite. The current political situation in Russia puts forward new requirements for the functioning of the management system of state institutions and determines the need for professionally trained, highly moral personnel of the modern political elite. The paper considers the possibility of introducing modern and progressive mechanisms of interaction between the government and society – crowdsourcing, which involves the wide involvement of citizens with an active civic position and public associations in the process of public discussion and political decision-making.


Author(s):  
Laurențiu Ștefan

In Romania, a highly segmented and extremely volatile party system has contributed to a predominance of coalition governments. Alternation in power by coalitions led by either left-wing or right-wing parties used to be a major feature of Romanian governments. Thus, until a short-lived grand coalition in 2009, ideologically homogeneous coalitions were the general practice. Since then, parties from the right and left of the political spectrum have learned to work together in government. Given the semi-presidential nature of the political regime and the exclusive power to nominate the prime minister, the Romanian president plays an important role in coalition formation. The president also plays a pivotal role by shadowing the prime minister and therefore influencing the governance of coalitions. She has the power to veto ministerial appointments and therefore she can also shape the cabinet line-up. Pre-election coalitions are a common feature, more than two-thirds of Romanian coalition governments have been predicated on such agreements. Coalition agreements dealt with both policy issues and coalition decision-making bodies and the governance mechanisms that have been in most cases enforced and complied with—until the break-up of the coalition and the downfall of the respective government. One very common decision-making body is the Coalition Committee, which has been backed on the operational level by an inner cabinet made up of the prime minister and the deputy prime ministers, which usually are the heads of the junior coalition parties.


Slavic Review ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 633-650 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barnabas Racz

When the economic reform (NEM) was introduced in Hungary in early 1968, it was announced that political reforms aiming at the "democratization of the socialist system" would also be made. The Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (MSZMP) and the government stated that economic decentralization would be accompanied by the "strengthening of socialist democracy and the broadening of the participation of the masses in political activities." Several measures were taken to promote this objective through discussion and debate–but not through dissent or decision-making. After the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968, which seriously affected the entire East European bloc, Hungary's move toward democratization became less pronounced and the government's policy definitely more cautious both in words and deeds. In this study I attempt to analyze the meaning and scope of the political changes that took place in Hungary in the aftermath of Czechoslovakia, giving special attention to the concept of democracy, the organization of the party and government, the position of the mass organizations, and the meaning of the increasing group conflicts.


Author(s):  
Heng Zhou ◽  
Guanglong Wang

In comparison with other crimes, the political system has had and still has a great infl uence on the essence and legal registration of crimes against electoral rights. After the 20s of the XX century, the protection of electoral rights by criminal law in China can be divided into two periods: 1) in the conditions of the same political regime-until the end of the 80s and 2) in the conditions of different political regimes-from the end of the 80s to the present. In the fi rst period, the institution of protection of electoral rights by the criminal law of China was borrowed from Soviet Russia. In the second period after the adoption of the Criminal Code (1997), Article 256 has not yet undergone any changes. Currently, there is no incentive in China to change and improve the electoral and criminal laws.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastián A. Umpierrez de Reguero ◽  
Inci Öykü Yener-Roderburg ◽  
Vivian Cartagena

In this article, we analyze the nexus between political regimes and external voting rights. Using a global longitudinal dataset, we report that higher levels of inclusion and contestation bring higher probabilities that a state adopts and implements emigrant enfranchisement. Taking outliers from our quantitative assessment, we then further examine two liberal democracies, Ireland and Uruguay, and two electoral autocracies, Turkey and Venezuela. These country cases reveal three mechanisms that shed light on the strategic role of political elites in explaining the relation between political regime type and emigrant enfranchisement. First, the democracies under study show us that in certain contexts with a relatively large diaspora size and in which part of the political spectrum is hesitant about the political orientation of nonresident citizens, emigrant enfranchisement is neither necessarily promulgated nor implemented. Second, the autocracies illustrate that when the diaspora favors (or is perceived to favor) the incumbency, then external voting rights are extended; otherwise, third, they are withheld or limited for nonresident citizens.


Author(s):  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub

This chapter discusses the battle of the three political regimes in Malaysia, the Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Harapan (PH), in the 14th General Election and the formation of Perikatan Nasional (PN) after the collapse of the PH government. The BN coalition has shown its political influence throughout 63 years of ruling the country since independence which has been hard to break by other opposition parties in Malaysia. BN has manipulated various government instruments in ruling to form a strong political hegemony that affects the voting behaviour of voters in determining rational choice, especially when elections are conducted. However, the strong political domination has been broken by the opposition movement that began in the 12th General Election that eventually toppled the old political regime, BN in the last GE-14. The failure of BN to defend its position as a government is due to several factors including scandals and misuse of power by political leaders, the weaknesses of the government in addressing economic issues, and pressures faced by the people on the cost of living, and limited employment opportunities. Issues that arise are then manipulated by the opposition parties at the same time, which managed to convince voters to change their support from BN to PH in the last GE-14. However, PH, which then had the opportunity to govern the country with a dilemma, as it failed to capitalize on the opportunity and fulfilled its manifesto as promised in their election campaigns. Subsequently, Malaysians, especially the voters in a series of by-election have begun to send a message to the government by voting for opposition candidates as a gesture of protest against the PH government. Furthermore, an analysis of the developments and dilemmas of the direction of the two political regimes before and after the GE-14 is discussed in detail in this chapter.


Author(s):  
Ludger Helms

While not being a classic subject of executive politics research, there has been a wealth of scholarly activities more recently that have moved issues of performance, and evaluation, centre-stage. Understood as an independent variable, the performance of political executives has come to be acknowledged as a key factor shaping the political fate of both the government of the day (including more particular issues, such as the electoral costs of governing) and the regime more generally. Research on performance as a dependent variable has focused on such different aspects as the nature and timing of public policies that governments make, political communication, and the personality of different office-holders in the executive branch. As the agenda is expanding quickly, the growing realization of the various meanings of ‘performance’ and a new comparative ambition committed to reaching beyond a particular type of political regimes look set to become important catalysts for future innovations in the field.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-38
Author(s):  
MARCELO BUCHELI ◽  
STEPHANIE DECKER

This paper proposes a classification of government expropriations of foreign property based on the types of alliances sought out by governments in their quest for support for those actions. Based on a review of historical literature and social science studies of expropriations in sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America in the twentieth century, we define three types of alliances: with organized labor, with domestic business owners, or with sections of the civil service or the ruling party. We posit that each sector allying itself with the government expects rewards from the expropriation. We maintain that the type of alliance is determined by several factors, in particular, the longevity and legitimacy of the nation-state of the expropriating country, the strength of organized labor, and the political participation and strength of the domestic business sector. Our framework complements existing studies explaining when and why expropriations take place.


2021 ◽  
Vol 105 (5) ◽  
pp. 150-160
Author(s):  
Viktor Mironenko ◽  

The article describes the transformation of the political regime of the Third Ukrainian Republic. The author holds that this big European country deserves attention not only as part of its recent history and that of Europe, but also as a manifestation of some European and global political processes. Using the methods of historical analysis and periodization, an attempt is made to place the last 30 years of the Ukrainian Republic in the general context of the recent history of Ukraine, to identify the reasons for the incomplete «Ukrainian project», the difficulties of its external perception and international positioning. The scientific novelty of the proposed analysis is that the political regimes that have existed in the Ukrainian Republic since its proclamation are considered as interrelated in the process of its evolution, and the latest of them ‒ in the light of the hypothesis of two transformations ‒ as its last phase. The main conclusion is that Ukraine’s difficult path of political self-identification is not complete and it faces necessity to find a new internal and external political paradigm and another reboot of the political regime.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
I Gede Sudiarta

<p><em>General description of women's participation in the political world in Indonesia representation is very low at all levels of decision making, both at the executive, legislative and judicial levels in the government bureaucracy, political parties both in other public societies. In this case the low quality of women's participation in politics occurs in Bali, namely in the executive ranks. Likewise, at the echelon II level, there were no women who obtained the position, that is, from the number of village heads in Bali there were no women who held more positions as lurah, even if there were only a few. In addition, in the organization of the </em>Lembaga Pemberdayaan Masyarakat<em> (LPM) in Bali, it is rare and there may not be women who become the Bendesa Adat or Bendesa Pakraman. This is also evident in the management of other organizations such as youth clubs and sekuna teruna. In an organization like this it is rare to find women becoming chairpersons or electing a chairperson as chairman or vice chairman. Based on this, a gender perspective is considered by involving men and women in the basic decision-making process of democratic work that will lead to equality.</em></p>


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