The Modern Life of the East African Native

Africa ◽  
1932 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. M. T. Kayamba

The family life of an African is primarily based on polygamy and patriarchy. Each family has its own village and the head of the family is elder of the village. As soon as a youth gets married and has children he thinks of establishing his own village in order to obtain sufficient land for cultivation for himself and his children. This is the start of a native village. He calls the village by some name which comes to his fancy. Probably after a few months few people join him at the newly established village; thus the village grows and the founder is called the elder of the village. The next thought of the African after he has acquired a little wealth is to increase the number of his wives to the number that his wealth can provide him. Very often he keeps them in different huts and at different villages which he calls Mtaa, meaning a quarter. He spends days and nights proportionately at each hut, usually three nights at each hut if they are in close proximity or seven days if they are far. He calls it Kugawa ngono, which means the distribution of conjugal rights. Each wife has her own farm which she cultivates with her children, her husband doing the heavy work. The husband has his own farm over which he has authority. Each wife harvests and keeps her own food in her granary in the hut. She has full control over her own food. She feeds and clothes her children from the proceeds of the sale of her crop; and feeds her husband with the same food when he stays with her. The crop from the husband's farm is stored in the senior wife's hut. The senior wife is the first wife in marriage. She keeps all the money of the husband and distributes food to the other wives from the husband's store when the other wives have run short of food.

Zootaxa ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 3150 (1) ◽  
pp. 36 ◽  
Author(s):  
GEOFF A. BOXSHALL ◽  
DAMIÀ JAUME

Three new species of copepod crustaceans are described from material collected from anchialine and brackish habitats inand around the village of Walengkabola on the coast of Muna Island, to the southeast of Sulawesi. A new species of cy-clopoid, Paracyclopina sacklerae n. sp., was described from material collected from the tidal inflow entering into the bot-tom of sinkholes a few metres inland from the shoreline. Detailed comparisons are made with Paracyclopina orientalis(Lindberg, 1941), n. comb., a closely related congener here transferred from its original genus Cyclopetta Sars, 1913. Theassignment of Paracyclopina Smirnov, 1935 to the family Cyclopettidae is followed here despite uncertainty over the va-lidity of some of the families created by the break up of the former Cyclopinidae. Two new species of Boholina Fosshagen& Iliffe, 1989 are described, based on material from the same sinkholes and from caves located up to 700m inland fromthe coast and exhibiting further reduced salinity down to 1.8 ppt. One species, B. parapurgata n. sp., is very closely relatedto B. purgata Fosshagen & Iliffe, 1989 from Bohol island in the Philippines, the other B. munaensis n. sp., is very closelyrelated to B. crassicephala Fosshagen & Iliffe, 1989 also from Bohol island, but a number of fine scale differences in the leg 5 of both sexes are recognised in each case. Keys to valid species of both genera are provided.


Author(s):  
Walter E.A. van Beek

There is not one African indigenous religion (AIR); rather, there are many, and they diverge widely. As a group, AIRs are quite different from the scriptural religions the world is more familiar with, since what is central to AIRs is neither belief nor faith, but ritual. Exemplifying an “imagistic” form of religiosity, these religions have no sacred books or writings and are learned by doing, by participation and experience, rather than by instruction and teaching. Belonging to specific local ethnic groups, they are deeply embedded in and informed by the various ecologies of foragers, pastoralists, and horticulturalists—as they are also by the social structures of these societies: they “dwell” in their cultures. These are religions of the living, not so much preparing for afterlife as geared toward meeting the challenges of everyday life, illness and misfortune, mourning and comforting—but also toward feasting, life, fertility, and togetherness, even in death. Quiet rituals of the family contrast with exuberant public celebrations when new adults re-enter the village after an arduous initiation; intricate ritual attention to the all-important crops may include tense rites to procure much needed rains. The range of rituals is wide and all-encompassing. In AIRs, the dead and the living are close, either as ancestors or as other representatives of the other world. Accompanied by spirits of all kinds, both good and bad, harmful and nurturing, existence is full of ambivalence. Various channels are open for communication with the invisible world, from prayer to trance, and from dreams to revelations, but throughout it is divination in its manifold forms that offers a window on the deeper layers of reality. Stories about the other world abound, and many myths and legends are never far removed from basic folktales. These stories do not so much explain the world as they entertainingly teach about the deep humanity that AIRs share and cherish.


2022 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 0-0

This paper provides a historical snapshot of personal ICT usage in 2005/2006, specifically shedding light on how Australian and German couples (N= 48) had integrated the internet into their homes with a focus on spatial and social transformations. Using a home ethnographic approach, this qualitative study implemented in-depth interviews across two countries. From a spatial perspective, Australian couples had their laptops or PCs highly integrated into the family life usually in multifunctional rooms or open areas, whereas German couples’ laptops and PCs were most often found in separate study rooms. From a social perspective, internet use can be related to elements that bring couples together, but also to elements of disintegration. A shift in how couples spent their time together was observed from watching TV together in the same room, to going online in the same room at two PCs or one person being online while the other conducted other activities.


Author(s):  
Olivier Walusinski

This chapter clarifies the toponymic origin of Georges Gilles de la Tourette’s family name, describes the family environment in which he grew up, details his married life, and also introduces his children. It presents also the key events in Gilles de la Tourette’s personal and family life together, giving some idea of how the provincial bourgeoisie lived in France during the nineteenth century. All of the new information in the chapter is based on family archives that were found in a museum in the village of Loudun, in western France. These archives have never before been used for historical study.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rinda Turnip

Tortor Mangondas is an expression of sorrow that was created to meet the needsof indigenous meaningful honor the dead (and of the spirit / tondi man and tondithe first death) and is a communication between the real world and the other world(deceased) for application of this world can be given to the fathers and good luck /blessing of them can be given to people who live mainly heirs.This study aims tofind out what the meaning contained in Tortor Mangondas in Toba Batak society.The theoretical foundation of this research uses one theory, the theory of meaningand understanding tortor mangondas and death ceremonies.Location and time the research was conducted in Samosir and time for twomonths, the sample population figures there are some dancers and artists as wellas traditional leaders. The author conducted field observations, with videocapture, documentation, and conduct interviews with sources, as well as completethe data through research at the Village Siopat bill SamosirThe results based on the data that has been collected can be seen that TortorMangondas never appears solely as a form of dance in any society. But themotion-motion can still be explained the meaning of each movement performed.Tortor Mangondas created because someone who has died Saur matua not have achance to talk to the family to deliver the parting words and all expressions heartscontent. The social value as a society Batak Toba Mate Saur Matua wherebyTortor Mangondashasuhutan held with the objective of respect for parents and atthe same time submit a request to Mulajadi Nabolon prayer.


2019 ◽  
pp. 271-288
Author(s):  
Raquel Tovar Pulido

This article discusses the distribution of paternal property within rural communi-ties in the interior of the Iberian Peninsula, through an analysis of familial inher-itance of a widow from Extremadura. As a source for the study, the author draws on the Cadastre Ledger of the Marquis of Ensenada (1761), kept in the General Archive of Simancas (AGS), capturing changes in the family estate of a country widow (living in the village of Alcuéscar) in the mid-eighteenth century resulting from a transfer of property. Using the method of quantitative analysis developed by the Annales School, the author examines the issue from several standpoints; on the one hand, this enables insights into the increases and reductions in the volume of real estate (urban and rural) and the real estate assets of such women through pur-chases and sales. On the other, the author is also able to analyze and outline the distribution ofa widow’s property during her life and after her death.


1973 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 271-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matina Weinstein

The study lasted two months during the summer of 1972 (19th July–14th September) and was approached by means of three techniques:1. participant observation;2. observation;3. interviews.The first consists in the researcher entering the household, establishing contact with the family, and then studying the everyday life by direct observation and participation in the activities. This technique allows freer access to the household than would normally be possible utilizing other techniques, and thus facilitates the collection of detailed data. This technique was applied to one household (referred to as the “study household”) in the village. Although data were collected on many aspects of daily life, special emphasis was placed on obtaining information about those activities which it was felt would have some relevance to archaeological problems in general.The second approach involves general observations of the village women at work, and in particular, observations of five other village households with which other members of the project co-operated.The third approach involved questioning the “study household” and the other five on general topics, such as the length of time taken to perform certain activities.


1999 ◽  
Vol 113 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 53-74
Author(s):  
Frauke Laarmann

AbstractSince I998 the Stedelijk Museum Het Prinsenhofin Delft owns a family portrait by Hendrick Cornelisz van Vliet. Signed in full and dated I640, the painting shows a wealthy and — in view of the details—Catholic family with five children. It predates Van Vliet's well-known architectural paintings by more than a decade, and is therefore very significant for our knowledge of his early oeuvre. In this article, however, attention is focused on the painting's unusual position in the pictorial and iconographic tradition of the North Netherlandish family portrait. We see a husband and wife with their five children, the sons making music with their father. Contrary to what is frequently stated in the literature, i.e. that music is an important attribute in the depiction of harmonieus family life, music hardly features at all in North Netherlandish family portraits of the first half of the seventeenth century. Highly exceptional in Van Vliet's painting is the circumstance that only the males are making music, as is the choice of instruments. The recorders, popular instruments but unique in the tradition of the group portrait, suggest that the sitters were fond of the instrument and wished to be portrayed while engaged in their favourite pastime. The instrument and the music book of the two sons, combined with the other children's attributes, hint at a representation of the five senses. The daughters are respectively depicted with a pecking parakeet (touch), a basket of fruit (taste) and flowers (smell). In this context the sons' attributes stand for hearing and sight, the two most highly ranked senses. With the aid of details in the painting — the obvious references to Catholic religion, the precise dating of the work and the name 'Michiel' in the piece on the music stand — the sitters have been identified as Michiel van der Dussen and Willemina van Setten with their five children: Cornelis, Otto, Anna, Maria and Elizabeth. This insubstantiates the traditional identification of another painting in the Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten in Antwerp as Michiel van der Dussen's family. The Van der Dussens were prominent regents in Delft; however, Michiel's branch of the family was Catholic and thus excluded from holding official executive positions in Delft. They must therefore have been active in other spheres. They are not recorded as having pursued a particular profession; their wealth seems to have accrued from their ownership of property and land. The Van der Dussens are likely to have been of independent means due to the family's erstwhile noble status. Their higher ambitions were confirmed by the marriage of a granddaughter of Michiel van der Dussen to a Baron van Leefdael. This family portrait with its extremely rich imagery, painted in a period when repression of the Catholics in Delft was at its strongest, represents the selfconndence and ambitions of a Catholic family.


2020 ◽  
pp. 026461962094189
Author(s):  
Maria Björk ◽  
Moa Wahlqvist ◽  
Karina Huus ◽  
Agneta Anderzén-Carlsson

Deafblindness is a combined vision and hearing disability that restricts communication, access to information, and mobility, thus limiting a person’s activities and full participation in society. Literature on how this might affect the lives of family members is sparse. The aim of this study is to describe the lived experience of family life from the perspective of one parent when the other has deafblindness. Six partners of deafblind parents, four men and two women, agreed to participate. Three were deaf and communicated in Swedish sign language. Qualitative interviews were conducted and analysed using interpretative phenomenological analysis. Seven themes were identified during the analysis. When one parent has deafblindness, communication within the family and with people outside the family is affected. The non-deafblind partners tried to integrate deafblindness into everyday family life and constantly strove to compensate for the losses caused by deafblindness. They tried to enhance participation and engagement in everyday family life for the parent with deafblindness by facilitating communication and taking a greater part in some areas of their shared responsibilities at home. The results reveal that these partners often put themselves in second place. They and their families needed support to manage family life. Deafblindness affects the life of the entire family, and the non-deafblind partner has to take considerable responsibility for everyday life. Everyday life can be facilitated by an adapted environment and appropriate support, which should be offered to the entire family.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lalu Tajuddin, R. Rijanta, Hadi Sabari Yunus, dan Sri Rum Giyarsih

The goal of the research is to examine the behavior of migrant workers and PADMI. The research islocated in Eastern Malaysia and East Lombok Regency by using case study method to explore theobjects deeply, detailed and complete. Data were collected through observation and in-depth interviewwith the migrant workers and PADMI. The research showed that Ringgit or Malaysian currencycontribute significant influence to the migrant workers’ behavior, which showed by the change of theirfashion style, pattern of consumption, increasing entertainment needs and also the augmentation ofconsumptive life style. The consumptive life style is a new reality and relatively common, while to fulfillsexual needs the workers opted to marry the other female migrant workers because it was consideredmore save, more economical and also could prevent them from the contamination of sexual disease.At the other side, PADMI has not only principal role in fulfilling the family life needs but also mustattempt to maintain the completeness and harmony of the family/household. The inclination of havingseductive and sexual discomfiture from the other man is experienced often by PADMI, and sometimescould be ended in court. Without considering the economic impact, the high number of sued divorce inhometown of migrant workers gave evidence that migration activity ruin the family life of the migrantworkers.


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