scholarly journals Seal-die of Prince Lazar from Rudnik

Starinar ◽  
2016 ◽  
pp. 161-171
Author(s):  
Dejan Radicevic ◽  
Ana Cicovic
Keyword(s):  
Roman Catholic ◽  
Central Field ◽  
Market Place ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
15Th Century ◽  
Concentric Circles ◽  
The Town ◽  
Large Building ◽  
Bear Witness ◽  
The Church

The medieval settlement on the Rudnik Mountain was established, most probably, in the final decades of the 13th century. Soon it evolved into one of the best known mining and commercial centres in the Serbian state and reached its peak during the 14th and in the first half of the 15th century. The importance of Rudnik in the medieval period is confirmed by numerous material traces in the field. The most important discoveries in the course of archaeological investigations carried out since 2009 have been encountered in the area called Drenje, not far from the centre of the town of Rudnik (figs. 1, 2).Three churches (two Orthodox and one Roman Catholic), as well as many profane structures dated to the time of a thriving medieval Rudnik have so far been discovered. It indicates that in that area are the remains of the main settlement and the medieval market place of Rudnik, known from written sources. Among other structures at the site of Drenje, in the garden of S. Markovi}, the remains of rather a large building consisting, according to present data, of at least two rooms, have been investigated during the past three years (fig. 3). Important for dating the structure is a coin of the Hungarian king Sigismund of Luxembourg (1387-1437), discovered on the floor. Traces of an earlier phase of life were encountered under the structure (fig. 5). Coins have been found in two earlier pits. In the soil inside pit 11 a coin of the Hungarian king Charles Robert (1308-1342) was found, while in the top level of pit 2 a coin attributed to Prince Lazar (around 1370-1389) was found. Also from pit 2 came a, so far, unique archaeological find in our territory. It has been explained as a seal-die used for producing seals (fig, 7, 8). The representation in the central field and the contents of the inscription bear witness to the fact that the seal-die belonged to Prince Lazar. A helmet with bull horns engraved on the front side is understood to be the coat of arms of Prince Lazar, also used by his successors. The central field is surrounded by two concentric circles and between them is a circular inscription (fig. 9): + SI ? HARB GDNA KNEZA LAZARA SVE SRBSKE ZEMLE Translation of the inscription: + this is the grace of Lord Prince Lazar of the whole Serbian lands A seal stamped using the seal-die from Rudnik has not yet been found. The content of the inscription on the Rudnik sealdie is also quite unusual and unique. The word har? is translated to mean grace, a word that has not been recorded on any other stamp to date. On the other hand, the word grace has a distinct meaning in Serbian charters, denoting the legal activity of specific contents by which the ruler awarded nobles, the Church, market-towns, etc. The ruler?s grace as a legal act of distinct content must have been apparent and public and, as evidence of this grace, there would have been a distinct document. The very word grace is used in the documents as the name for a legal public document by which rulers ?created grace?, ?made grace? or allowed something by their grace. Taking this into account, it could be concluded that any seal stamped with the Rudnik sealdie as a means of notarisation of the document confirmed that the document represented the ruler?s grace in the sense of a valid legal public document. Considering the shape and size of the seal-die, it could be ascribed to the seal-die group for which it is characteristic that the seal was obtained not by impressing the seal-die in wax but by pressing the wax onto the seal-die, disregarding whether it was an applied or hanging seal. Supporting this assumption is the existence of small notches in the bottom corners of the Rudnik seal-die that were most probably used for connecting to the top part, making possible a better stamping of the seal, possibly even allowing the seal to have representations on both sides. The seal-die is dated from the time of Lazar?s rule over Rudnik, between 1373 and 1389. Mentioned in the inscription is the rule of Prince Lazar over all Serbian lands, suggesting that the date of the seal-die could be fixed in the final decade of Lazar?s life. It was most probably buried in 1390, during the time of King Sigismund?s attack on Serbia. One of the most important theatres of war in that campaign was the Rudnik region.

scholarly journals XI.—Farewell Address of General Ludlow to the authorities of Vevay. Communicated by H. L. Long, Esq., through J. Y. Akerman, Esq, Secretary

Archaeologia ◽  
1853 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-115
Author(s):  
H. L. Long
Keyword(s):  
Coming Out ◽  
Market Place ◽  
The South ◽  
Large Bell ◽  
The Dead ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Town ◽  
The Mansion ◽  
The Church

Among the archives of the municipality at Vevay are a few notices respecting General Ludlow. He was under constant apprehension of assassination, and by way of protection he was allowed, if necessary, to ring a large bell, suspended in an old tower, since pulled down, which stood on the edge of the lake, at the south-east corner of the market-place, and which was his first habitation at Vevay. His last abode was the house adjoining the eastern gate of the town, which is still in perfect preservation, and well known as Ludlow's residence. Until within the last few years the original inscription remained over the door; it was carved on wood in the form of a scroll, and was given by the present possessor of the mansion to an Englishman travelling through Vevay, who represented himself as a descendant of Ludlow. Permission was accorded him by the government at Berne to erect a small guardhouse in front of the house, in the lake, to watch any boat coming from Savoy; one attempt was made upon his person, as he was coming out of the church in which his ashes now repose, but was frustrated by the authorities of the town surrounding and protecting him. The permissions to ring the bell and to build the guard-house are recorded in the archives. There is also some memorandum relating to “Madame la Genérale Ludlow,” after his decease. On the 6th of June, 1832, having obtained the obliging permission of the syndic to search the records, I proceeded to their examination. One of the conseil d'etat, and the secretary, whose name was Demontel, attended me; unfortunately there was no index, and the person belonging to the establishment, said to be the only man capable of laying his hand upon anything required, happened to be absent at Orbe. So I was left to hunt along the margin for the name of Ludlow,—a tedious and somewhat unprofitable task, for I could not find all I wanted. I have a friend here, at Lausanne, who has engaged to furnish me with some particulars respecting the investigations that followed the assassination of Lisle, in the Place St. François. It would be satisfactory to discover some remnant of the papers and correspondence of the regicides, but none are known to exist, and Ludlow's widow no doubt carried off all his literary remains when she left his mortal remains in the church of St. Martin. The epitaph she put up to him is well known: so are those of Broughton and Love. Interment in the church is no longer permitted, so the old Parliamentarians are likely to have it all to themselves, and to lie there undisturbed until the “crack of Doom,” for we can hardly calculate upon churches being pulled down, and the dead pulled up, in this tranquil, neutralised, unchanging country.

scholarly journals Pastophoria and Altars: Interaction in Ethiopian Liturgy and Church Architecture

Aethiopica ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 7-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Fritsch ◽  
Michael Gervers
Keyword(s):  
Church Architecture ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
The West ◽  
Interior Space ◽  
Present Discussion ◽  
Bear Witness ◽  
The Church ◽  
Holy Place ◽  
Ethiopian Church ◽  
Church Buildings

FOR THE PHOTOGRAPHS BELONGING TO THE ARTICLE SEE SUPPLEMENTARY FILES > There are three parts to the interior space of ancient Ethiopian churches: a sanctuary (Mäqdäs) which is expanded into the “Holy Place” (Qǝddǝst) and the place of the assembly (Qǝne maḥlet). Four rooms stand at the corners of a cross-in-square interior: two service rooms on either side of a narthex-like entrance-room, westwards and, more important for the present discussion, two eastern service rooms which flank the sanctuary. These are called the pastophoria. After early input from Syria-Palestine, the Ethiopian basilicas took on an Aksumite character. Their development continued in a loose relationship with changes on the Egyptian scene, notably with a double phenomenon: the evolution of the rite and place of preparation of the bread and wine for Mass (the prothesis), and the demand for more altars at a time when churches could not be multiplied in Egypt. A study of architectural changes in the churches, alongside a comparison of liturgical practices and clues found in iconography and Coptic and Syriac literature, can bear witness to how the liturgy of the Ethiopian Church developed. Such investigation is all the more important because the absence of written documentation until the 13th century has left the church buildings as almost the only evidence available for study. The present study concentrates on the evolution and eventual disappearance of the pastophoria. The nature and location of the altars provides further evidence for dating. It should be noted that Ethiopia does not entirely abide by the Coptic models, essentially because what provoked change in Egypt did not exist in Ethiopia. Many questions still remain to be answered, including: When and where did the large monolithic altar of the permanent Coptic altar type first appear? Why are the West-Syriac and Ethiopian Churches today the only ones to celebrate Mass in a synchronized manner? We hope to address these and other questions at a later date.

scholarly journals The Comminges County from the 10th to the 15th century

2020 ◽  
Vol 244 ◽  
pp. 01007
Author(s):  
Maryse Casanova ◽  
Jean-Louis Brousse
Keyword(s):  
Social Development ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
15Th Century ◽  
The Creation ◽  
King Of France ◽  
The Church

From the 10th to the 15th centuries, the counts of Comminges developed their important domain and resisted the ambitions of their powerful neighbors. Alliances, treaties, marriages, wars, everything has been good to preserve their goods. These counts played happily with their personalities, their strengths, their weaknesses, their malice. They supported the economic and social development. The population gradually migrated from the mountains to the plain, first with the help of the Church and the creation of the “sauvetés”. Then the liberality of the counts allowed the construction of numerous “bastides” in the 13th century. The county families provided the majority of the Commingeois bishops and reinforced the importance of the Secular Church. By their permanent support to the Regular Church, they favored the establishment of large monastic and templar domains, the development of as much farming land. The progressive close up with the raimondine city of Toulouse, placed the County under his protection after the crusade by the Albigensians in 1218. The war against the English, the devastations of the Black prince in 1355 opened the last page of this story, accompanied by calamities that left in 1453 a bloodless Comminges in the hands of the King of France.

scholarly journals Problems in the study of the medieval heritage in the Lim valley

Starinar ◽  
2005 ◽  
pp. 181-195
Author(s):  
Marko Popovic
Keyword(s):  
Careful Analysis ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
Late Antique ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
Metal Artifacts ◽  
Stone Block ◽  
15Th Century ◽  
Medieval Church ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Church

Discussing the results of archaeological investigation at two important medieval sites - remains of the monastery of St George at Mazici near Priboj and of the church at Drenova near Prijepolje - the author puts forward his critical observations that make significant revisions to the conclusions suggested by excavators. The remains of a monastery at Mazici have long ago been identified with the monastery of St George in the zupa (district) of Dabar known from early 13th-century records. In the 1310s a monastery of St George is referred to in association with the toponym of Orahovica. After a long gap, the monastery is referred to again several times in the 1600s until its final destruction in 1743, as St George?s at Orahovica or simply Mazic(i). The report following systematic archaeological excavations suggests the unacceptable and unfounded conclusion, with dating and interpretation that the monastery church was built in the 13th century, received additions in the 14th, and was renovated in the 16th-17th centuries when there was a hospital attached to it. Careful analysis of the structural remains and the site?s stratigraphy clearly shows that the monastery was built on the site of a medieval cemetery of a 14th-15th-century date, which means that the church and its buildings cannot be older than the 16th century. The author also argues against the assumed presence of a monastic hospital, the assumption being based upon metal artifacts misinterpreted as "medical instruments" (parchment edge trimmer, compasses, fork!!!). The author?s inference is that the ruins at Mazici are not the remains of the monastery of St George, which should be searched for elsewhere, but possibly the legacy of a 14th-century monastic establishment which was moved there from an as yet unknown location most likely about the middle of the 16th century. The site at Drenova, with remains of a church destroyed by land slide, has been known since the late 19th century when a stone block was found there bearing the opening part of an inscription: "+ Te Criste auctore pontifex...", long believed to date from the 9th-10th century. Following the excavations, but based on this dating the church remains were interpreted as pre- Romanesque, and the interpretation entailed some major historical conclusions. From a more recent and careful analysis, the inscription has been correctly dated to the 6th century. With this dating as his starting-point, the author examines the fieldwork results and suggests that the block is an early-Byzantine spolium probably from the late-antique site of Kolovrat near Prijepolje, reused in the medieval period as a tombstone in the churchyard, where such examples are not lonely. It follows that the inscribed block is not directly relatable to the church remains and that it cannot be used as dating evidence. On the other hand, the church remains show features of the Romanesque-Gothic style of architecture typical of the Pomorje, the Serbian Adriatic coast. According to close analogies found for some elements of its stone decoration, the date of the church could not precede the middle of the 13th century. The question remains open as to who had the church built and what its original function was, that is whether a monastic community center round it. Its founder may be sought for among members of the ruling Nemanjic house, but a church dignitary cannot be ruled out. Anumber of complex issues raised by this site are yet to be resolved, but the study should be relieved of earlier misconceptions. Fresh information about this ruined medieval church should be provided by revision excavations in the future.

scholarly journals THE STRUCTURE OF MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT IN MEDIEVAL CAMBRIDGE

2020 ◽  
pp. 36-41
Author(s):  
Marina A. Guseva
Keyword(s):  
Municipal Government ◽  
Local Administration ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
Advisory Body ◽  
15Th Century ◽  
Early Appearance ◽  
Municipal Authority ◽  
The University ◽  
The Town

the 13th century. Since that time, the life of the university and the town have been closely intertwined. The appearance of the university within the town community, of course, made its own adjustments to the life of Cambridge, including the functioning of the local administration, its structure. In this research, we examined the problem of the formation and development of the structure of municipal authority in medieval Cambridge, revealed the features of the local administration. Our study showed that by the late 15th century, the town had a fairly ramifi ed system of municipal self-government. At the head of the corporation was the mayor, there was a collegial deliberative body – the Council of the 24. There were treasurers, bailiffs, a coroner and a recorder. This enabled the town to independently resolve issues of a socioeconomic, control and administrative nature. The peculiarities of the local administration, in our opinion, include the activities of conciliatory colleges from representatives of two communities – the town and the university. The existence of principals in the municipal houses in which the students lived. And also a rather early appearance in the structure of town power of an advisory body under the main offi cers of the corporation. These features of the Cambridge administration should be explained by the existence of a «scientifi c community» within the town limits, the need for local authorities to build their dialogue with it.

scholarly journals Bezirana kilisesi (Cappadoce). Un exceptionnel décor paléologue en terres de Rūm. Nouveau témoignage sur les relations entre Byzance et le sultanat

Zograf ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 107-142
Author(s):  
Catherine Jolivet-Lévy
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
High Ranking ◽  
Bear Witness ◽  
The Church

This article deals with a rock-cut church (Bezirana kilisesi), dedicated to the Theotokos, recently rediscovered in the Ihlara valley (Cappadocia). The paintings from the very end of the 13th century or the beginning of the 14th, of exceptional quality, indicate that the patron of the church, whose identity is unknown, was a high-ranking, wealthy and literate individual. They bear witness to the maintenance of close links with Byzantium in this region, as well as to the mobility of artists, and bring new testimony on the cultural diversity of Seljuk Anatolia.

scholarly journals Posvetni latinski natpisi na crkvi sv. Ivana od Birnja

2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vedrana Delonga
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Specific Area ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
John The Baptist ◽  
15Th Century ◽  
Late Middle Ages ◽  
Modern Period ◽  
12Th Century ◽  
Cultural Entity ◽  
The Church

Within the archaeological-historical complex at the hillfort of Biranj (Kaštel Lukšić), the ancient church of St. John the Baptist stands out in particular as a cultural entity. Three architectural phases (Romanesque, Late Gothic, and Modern period) can be perceived in its present appearance. The façade of the church bears a group of late medieval inscriptions in Latin: a donative inscription on the lintel, dated 1444 and also by the reign of the Venetian Doge Francesco Foscari (today placed in the interior of the church), as well as four consecratory inscriptions from the same time on the corners of the church. They were placed by donors (church juspatronatus) on the structure of the church on the occasion of the dedication of the thoroughly renovated original church of St. John, which had been built in the Romanesque period, at the end of the 12th or in the early 13th century, as the endowment of the Ostrog free villagers. From the donative inscription on the lintel it is learned that the ruinous Romanesque church was renovated from the foundations up by the juspatronus and plebanus Grgur Nikolin, the archpresbyter and canon of the Trogir diocese, in the name of a personal vow and the vows of all the juspatroni of St. John of Biranj. The four consecratory inscriptions with the text + Christus venit in pace et Deus homo factus est on the corners of the Late Gothic church from the same period are particularly interesting. On the basis of the contents it is hypothesized that they represent some kind of reminiscence of the possible original epigraphic dedications from the period of the construction of the Romanesque church at the end of the 12th century or in the early decades of the 13th century. The inscriptions and the sacred structure to which they belong are considered in the framework of the site as a cultural-historical complex and multi-century religious shrine and are analyzed in terms of the formal and contextual epigraphic traits. Their context is explored in the framework of the historical and religious-spiritual conditions related to the specific area in the period of the developed (12th and 13th centuries) and late Middle Ages (middle of the 15th century).

scholarly journals Thirteenth Century wall paintings in the churches of Rhodes

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Κωνσταντία Κεφαλά (Konstantia Kefala)
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Stylistic Analysis ◽  
Wall Paintings ◽  
Chronological Order ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
Artistic Production ◽  
Saint John ◽  
The Town ◽  
The Church

The study focuses on the monumental painting of the island of Rhodes, Greece, during the 13th century and specifically from the year 1204, when the Byzantine official Leo Gabalas took over the administration of the island, until the arrival of the Knights of Saint John in 1309. The remains of the artistic production are located in six churches in the town and the countryside of Rhodes. The monuments in question are presented in chronological order. After the detailed description and iconographic examination follows the stylistic analysis of the murals along with the proposed dating. In particular, the study deals with the frescoes of Saint Phanourios in the Medieval Town of Rhodes, of the monastery of the Archangel Michael at Thari, of Saint John the Theologian at “Koufas” in Paradeissi, of + Saint Nicetas in Damatria, of Saint George Vardas in Apolakkia and of Saint George in Asklepeio. Two sections in the unit on the church of Saint George Vardas were expanded because of their special interest: one concerns the epithet Panagia Akedioktene which accompanies the representation of the Virgin Glykophilousa and the other deals with the iconography and local cult of Saint Philemon, given his representation in the church. Given that the paintings of the church of Saint George Kounaras at Asklepeio is ascribed to the same hand as that of Saint George Vardas, the painter’s style in both monuments and the particularities of his art are examined in a special chapter. In the final part of the book is developed the overall consideration of the artistic production: the structure and order of the iconographic programmes are assessed, some interesting issues of iconography are discussed, as well as matters concerning the donors of the churches. The stylistic trends are analysed, compared with monuments from other Dodecanese islands and within the artistic currents of the first and second half of the 13th century.

scholarly journals Bremen, Harderwijk und die Zuiderzee

2020 ◽  
Vol 134 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Adolf E. Hofmeister
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
Acceptable Result ◽  
Charles V ◽  
15Th Century ◽  
Gain Compensation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The One ◽  
The Town

Bremen, Harderwijk and the ZuiderzeeThe Harderwijk peace treaty of 8 May 1446, negotiated by envoys of the duchy of Burgundy and the Hanse town Bremen and ratified by duke Philip the Good of Burgundy on 8 July 1446, brought to an end a war which had lasted for four years, during which Bremen had waged war on the Burgundian territories of Holland, Zealand, Flanders and Brabant in order to gain compensation for ships and goods which had been captured (mainly by privateers) in the conflict between Holland and the Wendish towns (1438– 41). During the latter conflict, neutral ships were been seized if they were suspected to be carrying Dutch or Flemish goods – a practice which also affected skippers and merchants from Kampen, Harderwijk and Deventer. Therefore Kampen repeatedly took the initiative to midwife an agreement between Bremen and Holland. At first, this failed to produce an acceptable result because Flanders could not be included. In the end, however, the negotiations in Harderwijk in April and May 1446 succeeded in bringing the war to an end. Bremen and Stade obtained financial compensation, to be funded by the towns of Holland and Zealand. Evidence of direct connections between Bremen and the Zuiderzee towns begins in the 14th century and concerns quarrels with citizens of Kampen and Deventer or the naturalization of immigrants from the Zuiderzee towns in Bremen. Beginning in the 12th and 13th centuries, vessels from Holland, Utrecht and Flanders on the one hand and from Bremen and Stade on the other used the shipping route via Vecht, Almere (later Zuiderzee) and Vlie for traffic and trade. From the 13th century, merchants from Bremen and from the Zuiderzee are found side by side in Norway and Scania trading in fish. In the 15th century, merchants of Kampen bought grain in Bremen, whereas merchants of Bremen purchased cloth in Deventer. Furthermore, Kampen, Deventer and Zwolle mediated in Bremen’s quarrels with merchants from Osnabrück and Cologne, with the town of Groningen and especially with Antwerpen. In the 16th century, the political and economic situation of the Zuiderzee towns changed radically, as they were first incorporated into the state of emperor Charles V, and then joined the Republic of the United Netherlands. At the same time, Bremen’s trade shifted to West Friesland and Amsterdam. Thus the intermediary position of the Zuiderzee Hanse towns – poised between Bremen and Holland – came to an end.

scholarly journals Churches Built in the Caves of Lasta (Wällo Province, Ethiopia): A Chronology

Aethiopica ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 25-64
Author(s):  
Michael Gervers
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Church Architecture ◽  
Full Width ◽  
East Side ◽  
The South ◽  
13Th Century ◽  
Royal Power ◽  
15Th Century ◽  
12Th Century ◽  
The Church

The five churches of Yǝmrǝḥannä Krǝstos, Ǝmäkina Mädḫane ʿAläm, Ǝmäkina Lǝdätä Maryam, Walye Iyäsus and Žämmädu Maryam are all built in caves in the massif of Abunä Yosef, situated in the Lasta region of Wollo. Changes in their architectural forms suggest that they were constructed over a period of several hundred years in the order listed and as such represent a significant chronological model against which many of Ethiopia’s rock-hewn churches may be compared. Until the publication of this paper, it has been universally accepted that the church of Yǝmrǝḥannä Krǝstos was built in the second half of the 12th century under the sponsorship of an eponymous king. Aspects of the church’s architecture, namely the absence of a raised space reserved for the priesthood before the triumphal arch (the bema), of any sign of a chancel barrier around it, of western service rooms, of a vestibule and narthex, and of the presence of a reading platform (representative of the Coptic ambo), of a full-width open western bay (allowing for a ‘return aisle’), and of arches carrying the aisle ceilings, all point to a date of construction around the mid-13th century. In fact, the closest parallels to Yǝmrǝḥannä Krǝstos may be found in Lalibäla’s second group of monolithic churches, Amanuʾel and Libanos. Closely associated also is the church of Gännätä Maryam. A painting of the Maiestas Domini in the south-east side room (pastophorion) of the latter suggests that the room served as an extension of the sanctuary. By the end of the 13th century, as witnessed by Ǝmäkina Mädḫane ʿAläm and the other churches built in caves, the full-width sanctuary becomes a characteristic which endures throughout 14th- and 15th -century Ethiopian church architecture. Yǝmrǝḥannä Krǝstos and Gännätä Maryam stand on the cusp of a major liturgical change which coincides with the transfer of royal power from the Zagwe dynasty to their Solomonic successors, who sought legitimacy by following Coptic practices.

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