scholarly journals France and the Serbian government's Yugoslav project

Balcanica ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 171-193
Author(s):  
Vojislav Pavlovic
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Great War ◽  
French Politics ◽  
Extreme Caution ◽  
French Government ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Great War ◽  
Actual Realization

The French government and statesmen had never considered the creation of a unified South-Slav state as an objective of the Great War. Officially acquainted with the project through the Nis Declaration in December 1914 they remained silent on the issue, as it involved both the dissolution of the Dual Monarchy and, following the Treaty of London in May 1915, an open conflict with Italy. In neither case, then, did French diplomacy deem it useful to trigger such a shift in the balance of power in Europe just to grant the wishes of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Naturally, in the spring of 1918 the dismantlement of Austria-Hungary was envisaged, but with the view to weakening the adversary camp, while the destiny of the Yugoslav provinces remained undecided. Moreover, war imperatives required extreme caution in relation to Italian intransigency. The Italian veto weighed heavily on French politics, to the extent that even the actual realization of the Yugoslav project, proclamation of a unified state on 1 December 1918 in Belgrade, took place without a consent or implicit support on the part of the French government.

scholarly journals THE FIRST WORLD WAR IN THE HISTORICAL MEMORY OF UKRAINE AND POLAND: CHANGING APPROACHES AND DISCOURSE

2021 ◽  
pp. 25-42
Author(s):  
Olga Bilobrovets
Keyword(s):  
Historical Memory ◽  
First World War ◽  
100Th Anniversary ◽  
Great War ◽  
World War ◽  
Cultural Aspects ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Great War ◽  
First World

The purpose of this study is to analyze the research on the First World War, specifically focusing on changing topics and new discourses, clarifying the place and role of the Great War in the historical memory of Ukrainian and Polish peoples over the centuries and analyzing the means of its actualization and memorialization. The research methodology is based on comparative studies aiming to shed light on convergence and divergence in the historical memory of the First World War in Ukraine and Poland over the past hundred years. The historical-analytical method is employed to characterize the Ukrainian and Polish historiography on the Great War and analyze the information space to identify current trends in representing war events, new discourses, and commemorative practices. The scientific novelty. The study highlights new approaches to the study of the First World War by historians and demonstrates the growth of its role and importance in the historical memory of Ukraine and Poland in the first decades of the XXI century. Conclusions. The First World War, though being an epoch-making event in the history of mankind for decades, was considered a "forgotten" war and received little attention in the historical research of Ukrainian and Polish scholars. In Soviet historiography, it was positioned as the war of the imperialists and did not arouse much interest. Polish historians mainly focused on studying the solution to the Polish issue during the war, the activities of Polish socialist political parties, and the revival of Polish statehood. Only in the late 90's of the twentieth century, a number of studies on the Great War appeared in Poland and Ukraine, with topics of research and discourses revealing such global phenomena as refugees, showing economic, social, and cultural aspects of the war, clarifying the personal, emotional, and psychological level of its perception by the population of warring countries. On the 100th anniversary of the beginning and end of the Great War, the popularization of knowledge about the war was intensified through the creation of special programs, documentaries and feature films, a series of interviews, TV and radio programs with famous historians discussing the main events and consequences of the war, reflecting on its lessons and prevention of future military conflicts. In Poland, the jubilee anniversaries of the war facilitated the resumption of activities to perpetuate the memory of the war participants through the installation of monuments, memorials, and the creation of museum exhibits.

scholarly journals Balance of Power or Balance of Threat: Revisiting Ottoman Alliance Politics before the Great War

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-152
Author(s):  
Dogachan Dagi
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Great War ◽  
Theory Approach ◽  
Alliance Formation ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
Alliance Politics ◽  
External Threat ◽  
The Great War ◽  
Threat Theory

AbstractThe Ottoman alliance politics before the Great War has not been explored for theorizing alliance politics though it presents a unique example of alliance formation under external threat. Thus, in this article, a neo-realist balance of threat theory is utilized to examine the Ottoman decision to align with Germany in the Great War. Unlike a historical account as to why the Ottomans sided with the German-Austrian alliance, this article develops a theoretical approach that takes insights from ‘alliance theories’ to explain the Ottomans’ fateful alignment. Such an alliance theory approach underlines the dilemmas of the Ottoman decision makers and demonstrates ‘rational’ elements of their strategy of balancing the main source of the threat. By bringing alliance theories and Ottoman historiography together it is argued that the Ottomans, in their search for an alliance before the Great War, sought a “balance of threat” politics rather than a “balance of power” politics.

Vance and Nettie Palmer in Caloundra, 1925–29: The regional turn

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-190
Author(s):  
Deborah Jordan
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Double Standard ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
Literary Fiction ◽  
Great War ◽  
National Narratives ◽  
Cultural Imaginary ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Environmental Imagination ◽  
The Great War

AbstractVance and Nettie Palmer were among Australia's most important literary partnerships. Previous accounts of their life and work underplay their commitment to the creation of an environmental imagination. After the trauma and disillusion of the Great War, they lived in Caloundra from 1925 to 1929 (and from then had an ongoing connection). While it is generally acknowledged how important their time there was in terms of Vance's emerging work in literary fiction, and through Nettie's work as a freelance journalist, what has not been addressed is their extraordinary environmental writings about the region. Regional writings were largely dismissed in the 1990s as of comparative insignificance to national narratives — just as today the reputation of the inter-war writers, those associated with the Palmers, is at a low ebb. During the 1920s, Nettie developed critical categories to accommodate a double standard in Australian writing: regional and universal literature. She went on to argue for the support of writing in Australia at the regional level. Vance reflected on his explorations of place directly in a series of articles. This paper reframes the Palmers’ Caloundra work in the ‘bio-regional’ terms of climate change and the historical cultural imaginary.

The Calais Conference of December 1915

1978 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. J. Dutton
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Great War ◽  
General View ◽  
General Staff ◽  
Primitive Form ◽  
Differences Of Opinion ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Great War

The Allies' conduct of the Great War has frequently been castigated by historians as inept and amateurish. But it is perhaps the conduct of their diplomacy which most merits this description. Until the creation of the Supreme War Council at the end of 1917 there existed, apart from a number of liaison officers, no machinery to synchronise the strategy and diplomacy of Great Britain and France other than the periodic meetings of the politicans and generals of the two countries. Yet, as David Lloyd George came to realize, these were not really conferences at all, but rather meetings of men with pre-conceived ideas who desired only to find a formula which could obscure the underlying differences of opinion from the general view. They were really nothing but a ‘tailoring’ operation at which different plans were stitched together. What was required was the construction of an inter-Allied General Staff, designed to examine and give advice on the changing military situation. Obviously no government could abdicate its right to issue orders, but if the Central Powers were to be defeated the Allies needed to concede that there was far more to participation in a coalition than the mere lip-service to unity involved in the periodic gatherings of soldiers and statesmen. An examination of the Calais Conference of December 1915, called at a time when Allied operations on all fronts were showing a marked lack of success, will illustrate many of the failings and dangers of this primitive form of war diplomacy.

The History and Evolution of Independence Movements in Tunisia

2017 ◽  
Vol 97 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-88
Author(s):  
Leila El Houssi
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Arabic Language ◽  
Great War ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Nationalist Movements ◽  
Party Line ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Great War ◽  
Independence Movements ◽  
Long Chain

After the establishment of French protectorate in 1881, the role played by the domestic nationalist movements that emerged in Tunisia during the early twentieth century is fundamentally important for any analysis of the long chain of events that ultimately led to the decolonization of the country. The first Tunisian nationalist movement was that of the Jeunes Tunisiens (Young Tunisians) in 1907, which was fronted by two charismatic leaders: al-Bašīr Ṣafar and ʿAlī Bāš Ḥānbah. Al-Bašīr Ṣafar, the undisputed heart and soul of the movement, was among the founders of the Ḫaldūniyyah, a journalist for Le Tunisien, and, after 1908, the governor of Sousse. ʿAlī Bāš Ḥānbah as an administrator at the Collège Sadiki and co-founder of Le Tunisien. After the Great War, another movement emerged demanding the creation of a parliamentary assembly made up of both French and native citizens: the Parti Libéral Constitutionnel, or Dustūr, led by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Taʿālbī, which founded the Arabic-language newspaper “Sabīl al-Rašād”. Initially underestimated by the French authorities, Dustūr would go on become a legitimate nationalist movement. In 1934, at the Congress of Ksar Hellal, the party line imposed by Dustūr frustrated and disappointed many young nationalist militants, who split away from the group and founded a movement of their own that would go on to become the primary champion of the independence struggle: Néo-Dustūr. Among these young militants were Ḥabīb Būrqībah, the leader of the new party, which radically transformed itself with a cross-class platform capable of winning the allegiance of the Tunisian masses in the fight for greater independence. As we shall see, the origins of decolonization in Tunisia indisputably lay in the creation and evolution of these nationalist groups, which built upon and succeeded one another during the first four decades of the twentieth century.

The elusive explanation: balance of power ‘theory’ and the origins of World War I

1989 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Gellman
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Great War ◽  
World War ◽  
Power Theory ◽  
Winston Churchill ◽  
The Great War ◽  
Looking Back

Martin Wight once asked why the balance of power ‘has inspired no great political writer to analysis and reflection’?Looking back in 1923, Winston Churchill wrote:One rises from the study of the causes of the Great War with a prevailing sense of the defective control of individuals upon world fortunes. It has been well said, ‘there is always more error than design in human affairs’. The limited minds even of the ablest men, their disputed authority, the climate of opinion in which they dwell, their transient and partial contributions to the mighty problem, that problem itself so far beyond their compass, so vast in scale and detail, so changing in its aspect—all this must surely be considered before the complete condemnation of the vanquished or the complete acquittal of the victors can be pronounced.

scholarly journals Supplying Russia during the Great War, 1914–1918

Polar Record ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-185
Author(s):  
Ann Savours
Keyword(s):  
White Sea ◽  
Great War ◽  
The White Sea ◽  
Hudson's Bay Company ◽  
French Government ◽  
The Great War ◽  
Hudson’S Bay Company

Reading Captain Richard Woodman's lament on the lack of an appropriate campaign medal for those serving in British ships involved in the transport of supplies to north Russia from 1941 to 1945 (Woodman 2007), I was reminded of their predecessors in the Great War of 1914 to 1918, when the timber port of Archangel, towards the mouth of the Dvina, together with Vladivostok, were Imperial Russia's only outlets to the sea. Captain R.F. Scott's auxiliary barque Discovery was one of a number of ships chartered to the French Government by the Hudson's Bay Company to carry matériel from Brest to the White Sea, in peril not only of tempestuous seas, but of ice and the 285 mines laid in that sea by the German auxiliary cruiser Meteor, in June 1915.

scholarly journals NATIONAL MILITARY UNITS IN THE CONDITIONS OF THE GREAT WAR AS A COMPONENT (DETERMINANT) OF STATE FORMATION: COMMON ORIGINS, DIFFERENCES AND POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF THEIR ACTIVITY

2018 ◽  
pp. 47-64
Author(s):  
Вікторія Олексіївна Венгерська
Keyword(s):  
State Building ◽  
The State ◽  
Great War ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Internal And External Factors ◽  
The Great War ◽  
Military Units

The processes of nation- and state-building gain new ground in the conditions of the First World War, which led to the destruction of the continental empires. Such a component (determinant) as national military units is added to the traditional markers, without which it is difficult to imagine the outlined processes. It has been confirmed by time that their availability and level of combat effectiveness played a crucial role in modern state-building. The reasons for their creation and their role in each case had their unique contexts. However, they all became a compelling argument in defending the rights of national states to exist. In the conditions of the Russian Empire, as well as the formation of the Russian "democratic" model, it was virtually impossible to create a separate Ukrainian army. Confirmation of this fact was a significant resistance on the part of Russian senior command staff as well as mid-level officers. Notwithstanding the significant efforts by the Ukrainian activists to create and develop the army in the 1917-1920 period, the Ukrainian project at this stage could not be realized due to unfavorable political external and internal conditions. The Polish army, which ultimately became the main defensive and protective argument of the newly created state, had greater experience of autonomous existence. In the case of Poland and Czechoslovakia, the presence of powerful political leaders, around which military-political unity took place, worked in favor of the implementation of the state project. The Central States as well as Russia and France demonstrated significant interest in the creation and financial support of the Polish legions. This kind of competition for affection (supported by appropriate financial infusions, in particular from France) only contributed to the strengthening of the Polish legions, and provided moral support to its political leaders. In Ukrainian, Polish and Czechoslovakia cases both internal and external factors had worked and contributed to the creation of armies and independent states. Despite considerable similarity in the preconditions of creation and the factor of the Great War, the results of the state creation differed fundamentally in terms of success.

scholarly journals The Perception of Yugoslav-Bulgarian Relations in the Daily “Politika” in the Context of the Pan-Balkan Entente Concept in the First Part of the 1930s.

2017 ◽  
pp. 45-58
Author(s):  
Paweł Michalak
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Great War ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Great War

The Perception of Yugoslav-Bulgarian Relations in the Daily “Politika” in the Context of the Pan-Balkan Entente Concept in the First Part of the 1930s.The Yugoslav-Bulgarian rapprochement, initiated by the king Aleksandar I Karadjordjević in the early 30s of the twentieth century, with an idea of inclusion of Bulgaria to the planned Balkan Pact was one of the biggest reorientation in the Yugoslav policy at the turn of 20s and 30s. Since the end of the Great War, the eastern neighbour of Yugoslavia was treated rather as one of the greatest threats to the postwar order in the Balkans. This reorientation, resulting primarily from the geopolitical situation in Europe required propaganda action of warming the image of Bulgaria in the eyes of the Yugoslav society. This would not be possible without the support of the press, which in the first half of twentieth century, was still the most popular and definitely most accessible medium of information, which could significantly affected on the perception of current political events by the public opinion. The aim of the author was to present changes in the way of presenting the Yugoslav-Bulgarian relations in the daily Politika, the biggest and most read newspaper in the interwar Yugoslavia, in the context of political activities of king Aleksandar I towards the creation of the so-called Balkan Entente. Postrzeganie stosunków jugosłowiańsko-bułgarskich na łamach dziennika „Politika” w kontekście idei tzw. Ententy Bałkańskiej w pierwszej połowie lat 30. XX wiekuZbliżenie jugosłowiańsko-bułgarskie zainicjowane przez króla Aleksandra I Karađorđevicia w latach 30. XX w. z myślą o włączeniu Bułgarii do planowanego tzw. Paktu Bałkańskiego było jedną z najpoważniejszych reorientacji w jugosłowiańskiej polityce zagranicznej przełomu lat 20. i 30. XX w. Od zakończenia I wojny światowej wschodni sąsiad Jugosławii traktowany był raczej jako jedno z największych zagrożeń dla powojennego ładu na Bałkanach. Wspomniana reorientacja, wynikająca przede wszystkim z sytuacji geopolitycznej w ówczesnej Europie, wymagała ocieplenia wizerunku Bułgarów w oczach jugosłowiańskiego społeczeństwa. Zadanie to byłoby niemożliwe do realizacji bez wsparcia prasy, która w pierwszej połowie ubiegłego stulecia była nadal najbardziej popularnym i zdecydowanie najłatwiej dostępnym źródłem informacji mogącym realnie wpływać na odbiór bieżących wypadków politycznych przez opinię publiczną. Celem autora było przedstawienie zmiany sposobu prezentowania stosunków jugosłowiańsko-bułgarskich na łamach dziennika „Politika”, największego i najbardziej poczytnego czasopisma międzywojennej Jugosławii, w kontekście działań politycznych zmierzających do utworzenia tzw. Ententy Bałkańskiej.

scholarly journals Mozambickie zmagania Portugalczyków w czasie I wojny światowej

2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 109-136
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Kubiak
Keyword(s):  
East Africa ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Great War ◽  
The South ◽  
Military Literature ◽  
Historical Literature ◽  
The Great War

The historical literature devoted the Great War in Africa is dominated by the struggle between the German forces, superbly commanded by the initially lieutenant colonel, and finally general Major Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck and units of the British Empire. The main reason of such situation is that in the east of Africa, the Germans continued fighting until the ceasefire in Western Europe in November 1918. In this narrative, there is relatively little room for a broader description of the struggles between the Germans and the Portuguese in Mozambique. The Luzytan military effort was described mainly, and at the same time disapprovingly, by the British. The impression appears that Albion deprecating the Iberian ally tried to dump a significant portion of the responsibility for the South-East Africa failures. The intention of the author of this text is to show Portuguese actions in an objective manner, not burdened with the British imperial narrative. It serves, above all, the use of Portuguese materials. This is - according to the author's knowledge - the first such attempt in the area of Polish historical-military literature. The author discussed the course of armed operations between the Portuguese and German forces and their impact on the findings of international conferences building a new balance of power after the end of the Great War.

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