scholarly journals The Perception of Yugoslav-Bulgarian Relations in the Daily “Politika” in the Context of the Pan-Balkan Entente Concept in the First Part of the 1930s.

2017 ◽  
pp. 45-58
Author(s):  
Paweł Michalak
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Great War ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Great War

The Perception of Yugoslav-Bulgarian Relations in the Daily “Politika” in the Context of the Pan-Balkan Entente Concept in the First Part of the 1930s.The Yugoslav-Bulgarian rapprochement, initiated by the king Aleksandar I Karadjordjević in the early 30s of the twentieth century, with an idea of inclusion of Bulgaria to the planned Balkan Pact was one of the biggest reorientation in the Yugoslav policy at the turn of 20s and 30s. Since the end of the Great War, the eastern neighbour of Yugoslavia was treated rather as one of the greatest threats to the postwar order in the Balkans. This reorientation, resulting primarily from the geopolitical situation in Europe required propaganda action of warming the image of Bulgaria in the eyes of the Yugoslav society. This would not be possible without the support of the press, which in the first half of twentieth century, was still the most popular and definitely most accessible medium of information, which could significantly affected on the perception of current political events by the public opinion. The aim of the author was to present changes in the way of presenting the Yugoslav-Bulgarian relations in the daily Politika, the biggest and most read newspaper in the interwar Yugoslavia, in the context of political activities of king Aleksandar I towards the creation of the so-called Balkan Entente. Postrzeganie stosunków jugosłowiańsko-bułgarskich na łamach dziennika „Politika” w kontekście idei tzw. Ententy Bałkańskiej w pierwszej połowie lat 30. XX wiekuZbliżenie jugosłowiańsko-bułgarskie zainicjowane przez króla Aleksandra I Karađorđevicia w latach 30. XX w. z myślą o włączeniu Bułgarii do planowanego tzw. Paktu Bałkańskiego było jedną z najpoważniejszych reorientacji w jugosłowiańskiej polityce zagranicznej przełomu lat 20. i 30. XX w. Od zakończenia I wojny światowej wschodni sąsiad Jugosławii traktowany był raczej jako jedno z największych zagrożeń dla powojennego ładu na Bałkanach. Wspomniana reorientacja, wynikająca przede wszystkim z sytuacji geopolitycznej w ówczesnej Europie, wymagała ocieplenia wizerunku Bułgarów w oczach jugosłowiańskiego społeczeństwa. Zadanie to byłoby niemożliwe do realizacji bez wsparcia prasy, która w pierwszej połowie ubiegłego stulecia była nadal najbardziej popularnym i zdecydowanie najłatwiej dostępnym źródłem informacji mogącym realnie wpływać na odbiór bieżących wypadków politycznych przez opinię publiczną. Celem autora było przedstawienie zmiany sposobu prezentowania stosunków jugosłowiańsko-bułgarskich na łamach dziennika „Politika”, największego i najbardziej poczytnego czasopisma międzywojennej Jugosławii, w kontekście działań politycznych zmierzających do utworzenia tzw. Ententy Bałkańskiej.

scholarly journals Una guerra civil incruenta: la polarización de la prensa y los partidos políticos alrededor de la Gran Guerra en Asturias (1914-1919) = A bloodless civil war: The polarization of the press and political parties around the Great War in Asturias (1914-1919)

2020 ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
José Luis Agudín Menéndez
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
World War I ◽  
Great War ◽  
World War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Literary Sources ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Great War ◽  
First World

Resumen: El objetivo de estas páginas es atender el impacto ideológico de la Primera Guerra Mundial en Asturias. Aprovechando una tesitura historiográfica eminentemente favorable en la proliferación de investigaciones sobre la Gran Guerra y la opinión pública al calor del centenario, este artículo aborda un hecho apenas trabajado en la historiografía asturiana. El apoyo documental se cimenta sobre la lectura de publicaciones periódicas como los diarios de gran circulación provinciales (El Carbayón de Oviedo, El Noroeste, El Comercio y El Pueblo Astur de Gijón o La Voz de Avilés) así como, de modo ocasional, rotativos nacionales (El Correo Español, El Siglo Futuro o El Socialista de Madrid). Asimismo se nutre de fuentes literarias y de la consulta de las actas municipales. Son descritos aquí el inicio de la guerra, la llegada de las misiones culturales francesas, la recepción de la guerra submarina y los festejos aliadófilos al final de las hostilidades.Palabras clave: I Guerra Mundial, aliadófilos y germanófilos, historia de la prensa, opinión pública, Melquíades Álvarez, Asturias.Abstract: The purpose of these pages is to attend the ideological impact of the First World War in Asturias. Taking advantage of a favorable historiographical tessitura in the proliferation of investigations on the Great War and the public opinion to the heat of the centenary, this article deals with a fact hardly worked in Asturian historiography. The documentary support is based on the reading of the provincial newspapers (El Carbayón in Oviedo, El Noroeste, El Comercio and El Pueblo Astur in Gijón or La Voz de Avilés) as well as, occasionally, national newspapers (El Correo Español, El Siglo Futuro or El Socialista in Madrid). It also draws on literary sources and the consultation of municipal Minutes Book. A feather flies the beginning of the war, the arrival of cultural missions, the reception of submarine warfare and the allied celebrations at the end of hostilities are described here.Keywords: World War I, pro-allied and Germanophiles, press history, public opinion, Melquíades Álvarez, Asturias.

The History and Evolution of Independence Movements in Tunisia

2017 ◽  
Vol 97 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-88
Author(s):  
Leila El Houssi
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Arabic Language ◽  
Great War ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Nationalist Movements ◽  
Party Line ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Great War ◽  
Independence Movements ◽  
Long Chain

After the establishment of French protectorate in 1881, the role played by the domestic nationalist movements that emerged in Tunisia during the early twentieth century is fundamentally important for any analysis of the long chain of events that ultimately led to the decolonization of the country. The first Tunisian nationalist movement was that of the Jeunes Tunisiens (Young Tunisians) in 1907, which was fronted by two charismatic leaders: al-Bašīr Ṣafar and ʿAlī Bāš Ḥānbah. Al-Bašīr Ṣafar, the undisputed heart and soul of the movement, was among the founders of the Ḫaldūniyyah, a journalist for Le Tunisien, and, after 1908, the governor of Sousse. ʿAlī Bāš Ḥānbah as an administrator at the Collège Sadiki and co-founder of Le Tunisien. After the Great War, another movement emerged demanding the creation of a parliamentary assembly made up of both French and native citizens: the Parti Libéral Constitutionnel, or Dustūr, led by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Taʿālbī, which founded the Arabic-language newspaper “Sabīl al-Rašād”. Initially underestimated by the French authorities, Dustūr would go on become a legitimate nationalist movement. In 1934, at the Congress of Ksar Hellal, the party line imposed by Dustūr frustrated and disappointed many young nationalist militants, who split away from the group and founded a movement of their own that would go on to become the primary champion of the independence struggle: Néo-Dustūr. Among these young militants were Ḥabīb Būrqībah, the leader of the new party, which radically transformed itself with a cross-class platform capable of winning the allegiance of the Tunisian masses in the fight for greater independence. As we shall see, the origins of decolonization in Tunisia indisputably lay in the creation and evolution of these nationalist groups, which built upon and succeeded one another during the first four decades of the twentieth century.

The Great War of the Postcards

2021 ◽  
Vol 88 (3) ◽  
pp. 525-568
Author(s):  
Johann Strauss
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
World War I ◽  
Great War ◽  
World War ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Book Illustrations ◽  
Characteristic Features ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Great War

This article examines the functions and the significance of picture postcards during World War I, with particular reference to the war in the Ottoman Lands and the Balkans, or involving the Turkish Army in Galicia. After the principal types of Kriegspostkarten – sentimental, humorous, propaganda, and artistic postcards (Künstlerpostkarten) – have been presented, the different theatres of war (Balkans, Galicia, Middle East) and their characteristic features as they are reflected on postcards are dealt with. The piece also includes aspects such as the influence of Orientalism, the problem of fake views, and the significance and the impact of photographic postcards, portraits, and photo cards. The role of postcards in book illustrations is demonstrated using a typical example (F. C. Endres, Die Türkei (1916)). The specific features of a collection of postcards left by a German soldier who served in Turkey, Syria, and Iraq during World War I will be presented at the end of this article.

The Italian Empire and the Great War

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vanda Wilcox
Keyword(s):  
Great War ◽  
World War ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Italian Experience ◽  
The First World War ◽  
War Effort ◽  
Global Status ◽  
Global War ◽  
The Great War ◽  
First World

The Italian Empire and the Great War brings an imperial and colonial perspective to the Italian experience of the First World War. Italy’s decision for war in 1915 built on its imperial ambitions from the late 19th century onwards and its conquest of Libya in 1911–12. The Italian empire was conceived both in conventional terms as a system of settlement or exploitation colonies under Italian sovereignty, and as an informal global empire of emigrants; both were mobilized in support of the war in 1915–18. The war was designed to bring about ‘a greater Italy’ both literally and metaphorically. In pursuit of global status, Italy endeavoured to fight a global war, sending troops to the Balkans, Russia, and the Middle East, though with limited results. Italy’s newest colony, Libya, was also a theatre of the Italian war effort, as the anti-colonial resistance there linked up with the Ottoman Empire, Germany, and Austria to undermine Italian rule. Italian race theories underpinned this expansionism: the book examines how Italian constructions of whiteness and racial superiority informed a colonial approach to military occupation in Europe as well as the conduct of its campaigns in Africa.

scholarly journals ‘The Menace of Effeminacy’: Medical and Popular Discussions of Masculinity in Interwar New Zealand, c.1918-1939

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ailish Wallace-Buckland
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Sexual Offenders ◽  
The State ◽  
Male Sexuality ◽  
Great War ◽  
Male Body ◽  
World War One ◽  
Mental Defectives ◽  
The Great War

<p>In January 1932, the Sydney-based lifestyle magazine Health and Physical Culture published an article titled ‘The Menace of Effeminacy’. This article, written by Carl Hertzig, and read by magazine-subscribers across the Tasman, documented anxieties around the state of men and masculinity following the upheaval of the Great War. Touching on topics such as gender, psychology, eugenics, and sexuality this article and its concerns represent those that this thesis explores in order to understand what the ‘fear of effeminacy’ actually meant for New Zealanders during the interwar years (c.1918-1939). This thesis documents and analyses contemporary discussions of male sexuality and masculinity through a series of sources in order to establish the ways in which these concepts were understood in interwar New Zealand. Firstly, it examines some of the key pieces of legislation and reports that demonstrated official approaches, and ways of thinking, towards mental defectives, sexual offenders, and those with war neuroses. It then explores medical journals, and the dissertations of medical students; and finally, it analyses parts of popular print culture in Aotearoa/New Zealand, such as magazines and newspapers, in order to investigate and piece together the landscape in which said anxieties around effeminacy, masculinity, mental stability, and other deviations from the societally prescribed norm met. This thesis approaches these primary sources in such a way that acknowledges the evolutionary framework of understanding that was pervasive in medical circles during this era.  By thus examining the connections between constructions of the male body, homosexuality and effeminacy, late nineteenth to early twentieth century ideas around eugenics, and psychology and psychiatry, this work further uncovers the state of masculinity and male sexuality in New Zealand during the interwar period. This thesis argues that the ‘threat’ to masculinity perceived in a variety of venues was a mixture of anxieties around physical and mental wounds inflicted by the Great War; population concerns exacerbated by the exposure of the health-standards of troops, and worries of how to recover and reconstruct a virile society following four years of strife; concerns at the apparent loosening of sexual mores, and the changing manifestations of both masculinity and femininity; and ever increasing interest in the psychology of self, sexuality, and society. It adds to existing work on post-World War One masculinity by centring New Zealand discussions and understandings in a way that contributes to the broader literature on New Zealand twentieth-century masculinity, psychology and psychiatry, eugenics, and male sexuality.</p>

scholarly journals France and the Serbian government's Yugoslav project

Balcanica ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 171-193
Author(s):  
Vojislav Pavlovic
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Great War ◽  
French Politics ◽  
Extreme Caution ◽  
French Government ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Great War ◽  
Actual Realization

The French government and statesmen had never considered the creation of a unified South-Slav state as an objective of the Great War. Officially acquainted with the project through the Nis Declaration in December 1914 they remained silent on the issue, as it involved both the dissolution of the Dual Monarchy and, following the Treaty of London in May 1915, an open conflict with Italy. In neither case, then, did French diplomacy deem it useful to trigger such a shift in the balance of power in Europe just to grant the wishes of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Naturally, in the spring of 1918 the dismantlement of Austria-Hungary was envisaged, but with the view to weakening the adversary camp, while the destiny of the Yugoslav provinces remained undecided. Moreover, war imperatives required extreme caution in relation to Italian intransigency. The Italian veto weighed heavily on French politics, to the extent that even the actual realization of the Yugoslav project, proclamation of a unified state on 1 December 1918 in Belgrade, took place without a consent or implicit support on the part of the French government.

Nation in Ephemeral Literature: Dynamics of Demonstrative Resistance and Swadeshi Nationhood (1905–11)

2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-97
Author(s):  
Mimasha Pandit
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
The Public ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
The People

A new image was engendered in twentieth-century Bengal. The image clarified the direction of public opinion, whether it sanctified the actions of the colonizers or that of the colonized. In the process, those who chose to side with the colonized developed a close bond with the others who became a part of the camaraderie. The resultant image, envisioned by the people, did not come to them naturally; it was produced in their mind. The word of the age, printed and performed, helped produce this vision using the context as an index of reference. Words were transmitted and circulated among large number of people, who came to know, discuss and debate it. Despite the strict vigilance of the Raj that censured objectionable words, it nevertheless reached the public. Words found expression in ephemeral media that made the words disseminated untraceable. One such medium was the placard. This article analyses the placards circulated and posted, during the early twentieth century, and delves deep into the process of demonstration and persuasion adopted by the placards to invoke an image of nation among the Bengalis.

The Nature and Legacy of British Imperial Internment

2020 ◽  
pp. 303-314
Author(s):  
Stefan Manz ◽  
Panikos Panayi
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
British Empire ◽  
First Century ◽  
Great War ◽  
Early Twenty ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
The Great War ◽  
The Way

This chapter begins by highlighting the main findings of the book, including the globalization of internment by the Empire during the Great War and the consequences for individuals and their families, but also the fact that Britain treated those it had incarcerated in a humane way. The chapter examines the return to Germany, its consequences for individuals, and the way in which the German authorities dealt with the former residents of the British Empire. These people, who may not have seen their homeland for decades, made efforts to preserve the memory of their experiences, along with former civilian and military prisoners who came from other states at war with Germany. While the memory of internment may have survived into the interwar years, it disappeared in the second half of the twentieth century, but came back to life in the early twenty-first century, inspired by the centenary of the Great War.

scholarly journals A IMPRENSA DO SEGUNDO REINADO NO PROCESSO POLÍTICO-CONSTITUCIONAL: FORÇA MORAL E OPINIÃO PÚBLICA / THE SECOND REIGN PRESS IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS: MORAL STRENGTH AND PUBLIC OPINION

2014 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Judá Leão Lobo ◽  
Luís Fernando Lopes Pereira
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Moral Responsibility ◽  
Legal Reasoning ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
The Public ◽  
Daily Newspapers ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
The Press ◽  
Constitutional Monarchy

Este artigo delineia as principais características da imprensa durante o reinado de D. Pedro II e busca explicar o porquê de ter sido tão poderosa instituição no processo político-constitucional do período por meio da comparação da alta e da baixa cultura jurídica, uma baseada no pensamento constitucional e outra na imprensa diária, respectivamente. Por tal procedimento, buscamos desvelar a íntima conexão entre esses dois polos do espectro jurídico, assim como a especificidade da opinião pública brasileira durante o Segundo Reinado. Ambos os resultados foram atingidos por abordagem empírica de fontes primárias produzidas no período, tais como livros de autores destacados e debates públicos surgindo de periódicos diários de Curitiba, a capital da recém-estabelecida província do Paraná. Havendo condições sociais, políticas, teóricas e institucionais favoráveis, a imprensa era, sem rival, a principal instituição representando a opinião pública no processo constitucional. Embora deputados e senadores tivessem amplo direito à liberdade de expressão na tribuna e cidadãos comuns pudessem interferir nos negócios públicos pelo direito de petição, a imprensa superou tais direitos e se tornou verdadeiro Tribunal da Opinião Pública. Contudo, os critérios pelos quais a poderosa instituição julgava decisões políticas e administrativas eram mais morais que legais, e a legalidade era menos importante que a força moral. Com efeito, sanções previstas em lei eram frequentemente negligenciadas, enquanto a responsabilidade moral estendia seus vereditos inclusive a casos que observavam os preceitos legais. PALAVRAS-CHAVEForça moral. Liberdade de imprensa. Monarquia Constitucional brasileira. Opinião Pública. Responsabilidade moral.  ABSTRACT This article sets forth the main features of the press during the reign of Pedro II and tries to explain the reasons why it was such a powerful institution in the constitutional ongoing process of the period, and so by bringing the upper legal reasoning of the Constitutional Monarchy and the lower legal thought of the daily press together. Through this procedure, we intent to unveil the inner connection between these two sides of the juridical culture, as well as the specificity of the Brazilian public opinion during the Second Reign. Both of these outcomes were brought to light through an empirical approach to primary sources of the period, such as books of distinguished authors and public debates arising from daily newspapers of Curitiba, the capital of the recently established Paraná province. Since there were social, political, theoretical and institutional slanting conditions, the press was overwhelmingly the main institution representing the public opinion in the constitutional process. Even though representatives and senators had a broad right to free speech in congressional ground and ordinary citizens could interfere in public affairs through the petition right, the press overcame these rights and became a real Public Opinion Court. However, the criteria by which this powerful institution tried administrative and political decisions were more moral than legal, and lawfulness was less important than moral strength. Indeed, legal punishments were very often neglected, whilst moral responsibility stretched out its verdicts even to lawful cases. KEYWORDSBrazilian Constitutional Monarchy. Freedom of the press. Moral responsibility. Moral strength. Public opinion.

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