scholarly journals Persepsi Dan Tindakan Politik Pemuda Terhadap Gerakan Jogja Independent (JOINT) Dalam Pelaksanaan Pilwalkot Kota Yogyakarta Tahun 2017 Dan Implikasinya Terhadap Ketahanan Politik Pemuda (Studi Pada Relawan Jogja Independent (JOINT) di Kota Yogyakarta)

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
Desiana Rizka Fimmastuti ◽  
Agus Pramusinto ◽  
Djoko Soerjo

ABSTRACTThis article discussed political resilience from society perspective. Drawing on case studies of the youth’s perception of independent political movement in Yogyakarta in 2017, we argued that youth’s opinion and experience had  contibuted to strengthened youth political resilience. Political resilience can not only be seen from state centric aspect but also from the youth as part of local society. The research method used was qualitative descriptive using case studies. Data collections was done through in-depth interviews, observations, and document analysis.This research showed that the youths were optimistic with the existence of Jogja Independent Movement (JOINT). JOINT tried to offered an alternative way with publict involvement as candidate or volunteer. The ideology, vision and mission offered by JOINT were considered as one of the alternatives for young people to actively involved in political practices without taking a part in political parties. However, they argued  that the strategy and management of the movement were not well developed. Furthermore, the volunteers didn’t have wide space to articulated  their needs, because they involved in technical-administrative process only. Although the young people didn’t have the wider space in the substantial matter, they got experience and political practical lessons in JOINT. With their belief, youth were optimist that democratic process could be done with good and clean when we had a good strategy and well preparation. Although there was many volunteers who stopped after the collapse of the movement, the knowledge gained by the volunteers stimulates them to joined a movement, initiated movement and research, and also made a plan political education in the future. Their beliefs, thoughts, and  steps could be seen as a  form of checks and balances in order to responded  political dynamics for better development.ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji ketahanan politik dari sisi masyarakat, dengan mengamati persepsi para pemuda (relawan) sekaligus political action mereka terhadap gerakan independen di Kota Yogyakarta tahun 2017. Ketahanan politik tidak hanya dapat dikaji dari hal yang sifatnya state centric, namun bisa dilihat pada elemen masyarakat. Pengalaman dan pandangan youth as active citizens terhadap proses di dalam gerakan telah berkontribusi pada ketahanan politik pemuda. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif dengan menggunakan metode studi kasus. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara mendalam, observasi, serta pengumpulan berbagai dokumen yang relevan dengan topik penelitian. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pada awalnya para pemuda cukup optimis dengan keberadaan gerakan Jogja Independent yang berusaha menawarkan alternatif cara baru dalam berpolitik. Ideologi, visi, dan misi yang ditawarkan oleh JOINT dianggap relevan sebagai sarana berpolitik tanpa melalui jalur partai politik. Namun mereka menilai bahwa strategi dan pengorganisasian gerakan masih kurang matang dan kurang menyasar masyarakat akar rumput. Di samping itu, para relawan juga belum memiliki ruang untuk mengakomodasi kepentingan pemuda, karena mereka hanya dilibatkan dalam teknis administratif semata. Meskipun secara substansi pemuda belum memiliki ruang sama seperti di dalam parpol, pemuda mendapatkan pengalaman dan pembelajaran berpolitik melalui gerakan. Dari sisi keyakinan, pemuda cukup optimis bahwa berpolitik dapat dilakukan dengan jalan yang bersih dan demokratis, namun hal ini tetap membutuhkan waktu dan strategi yang tepat. Meskipun tidak memungkiri bahwa banyak relawan yang justru berhenti pasca gagalnya gerakan, pengetahuan yang didapatkan dalam gerakan telah menstimulasi para relawan untuk membuat gerakan dan mengadakan edukasi politik di masa mendatang, bahkan bergabung pada gerakan politik dan mengadakan berbagai penelitian. Keyakinan, pemikiran, dan langkah konkret para pemuda merupakan bentuk dari checks and balances dalam merespon dinamika politik dan mengawal pembangunan yang lebih baik.

2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynette Hunter

The essay explores Erasmus' development of a fourth category of rhetoric, the familiar, in its work as a rhetoric of the absent audience in both personal and sociopolitical contexts, and as a rhetoric resonant with early modern theories of friendship and temperance. The discussion is set against a background of Caxton's printing of the translation of Cicero's De Amicitia, because Erasmus casts friendship as the context for appropriate communication between people from quite different education and training, along with the probable rhetoric that enables appropriate persuasion. The probable rhetorical stance of temperate friendship proposes a foundation for a common weal1 based on a co-extensive sense of selfhood. This focus suggests that the familiar rhetoric set out in Erasmus' De Conscribendis epistolis draws on Cicero's rhetoric of sermo2 at the heart of friendship.3 It explores the effects of the rhetorical stance of probable rhetoric, both for personal and social writing, and for political action, and looks at the impact of sermo rhetoric on ideas of identity and civic politics in an age of burgeoning circulation of books (both script and print). The essay concludes with three post-Erasmian case studies in English rhetoric [Elyot, Wilson, Lever] that use probable rhetoric to document approaches to individual and civic agency and which offer insights into the Western neoliberal state rhetorical structures of today.


Human Affairs ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Fernandes-Jesus ◽  
Carla Malafaia ◽  
Pedro Ferreira ◽  
Elvira Cicognani ◽  
Isabel Menezes

AbstractThis paper intends to explore whether and how the quality of participation experiences is associated with political efficacy and the disposition of migrant and non-migrant young people to becoming involved. The sample includes 1010 young people of Portuguese, Angolan and Brazilian origin, aged between 15 and 29 years old. The results reveal that the quality of participation experiences is related to political efficacy and dispositions to becoming involved, but different groups seem to react differently to different forms of political action.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0044118X2110408
Author(s):  
Ilaria Pitti ◽  
Yagmur Mengilli ◽  
Andreas Walther

Existing understandings of youth participation often imply clear distinctions from non-participation and thus boundaries between “recognized” and “non-recognized” practices of engagement. This article aims at questioning these boundaries. It analyzes young people’s practices in the public sphere that are characterized by both recognition as participation and misrecognition or stigmatization as deviant and it is suggested to conceptualize such practices as “liminal participation.” The concept of liminality has been developed to describe transitory situations “in-between”—between defined and recognized status positions—and seems helpful for better understanding the blurring boundaries of youth participation. Drawing on qualitative case studies conducted within a European research project, the analysis focuses on how young people whose practices evolve at the margins of the respective societies position themselves with regard to the challenges of liminality and on the potential of this for democratic innovation and change.


Author(s):  
Shalin Hai-Jew

An ideology is defined as a set of ideas that “explains and evaluates social conditions, helps people understand their place in society, and provides a program for social and political action” (Ball & Dagger, 2011, p. 4). As such, these concepts underpin the actions of various groups and organizations, including that of the Anonymous hacker group, which professes no ideology or creed. Rather, the group has styled itself as a kind of anarchic global brain connected by various spaces on the Internet. This work explores four main data streams to extrapolate the group’s ideology: the current socio-political context of hacking and hacktivism; the group’s self-definition (through its professed values); the group’s actions (through the “propaganda of the deed”); and the insights of others about the group This chapter defines the socio-technical context of this Anonymous hacker socio-political movement, which draws ideas from the Hacker Manifesto 2.0, which suggests the advent of a new economic system with the new technological vectors (mediums of communication). This movement is apparently pushing forth the advent of a new information regime in which the abstraction of ideas adds a “surplus” economic value that may be tapped. Styled as fighters against government tyranny, they are pushing hard against an international regime of intellectual property and information control by governments and corporations. This is being published in the spirit that (some) information wants to be free and that there is a value in direct discourse.


Author(s):  
Philippa Collin

Young people are using information communication technologies (ICT) for new forms of political participation. At the same time, government and non-government organisations are looking to the internet to implement policies designed to engage young people in democracy. This raises the question of what forms of e-citizenship are being imposed on young people and are these same forms being pursued by young people themselves? Coleman (2008) has suggested that programs tend to promote autonomous or managed forms and argues for a ‘productive convergence’ that can facilitate democratic e-citizenship. Using original research, this article presents two case studies of such a ‘productive convergence’ and argues that what is particularly powerful in such e-citizenship programs is that they facilitate young people’s connection to existing networks as well as the building of new communities for action. This article presents a critical analysis of how organisations and young people in Australia and the United Kingdom view and use the internet for participation and considers the extent to which there is increased democratising potential in these e-citizenship programs.


2021 ◽  
pp. 3-10
Author(s):  
Patrick Lo ◽  
Stephanie H. S. Wu ◽  
Andrew J. Stark ◽  
Bradley Allard

Societies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Michael Bruter

Electoral ergonomics pertains to the interface between electoral psychology and electoral design. It moves beyond traditional models of electoral organisation that often focus on mechanical effects or changes to who actually votes to investigate the ways in which different forms of electoral organisation will switch on and off various electoral psychology buttons (in terms of personality, memory, emotions and identity) so that the very same person’s electoral experience, thinking process, and ultimately electoral behaviour will change based on the design of electoral processes. This article illustrated this phenomenon based on two case studies, one which showed that young people seemed more likely to vote for radical right parties if they voted postally than in person at the polling station based on panel study evidence from the UK, and another which showed that the time citizens deliberate about their vote varied from 1 to 3 depending on whether they were asked to vote using materialised or dematerialised mono-papers or poly-paper ballots. The article suggested that electoral ergonomics, as the interface between electoral psychology and election design, exceeded the sum of its parts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 4839 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michał Dudek ◽  
Wioletta Wrzaszcz

The aim of the study was to provide the examples of eco-innovations in agriculture relating to the concept of sustainable development and the indication of their conditions. Quantitative and qualitative methods were applied to the research, namely: descriptive statistical and economic analysis of the Polish Farm Accountancy Data Network (FADN) data and Statistics Poland data, as well as case studies of organic food producers, covering the years 2005–2019. Indicated information sources, encompassing long time span of analysis and various data collections, allowed presenting the complementary picture of eco-innovations at the sector and farm levels. The research examined the different types of ecological innovations in Polish agriculture, including: (1) organisational innovations with an institutional background (e.g., the organic farming support and greening mechanism of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP)—implemented in the family farming sector); and (2) the product, marketing, process and organisational innovations in selected organic farms that were individual farmers’ initiatives. On the one hand, the research documented the effectiveness of new agricultural policy solutions in the agricultural sector that are examples of organisational eco-innovations. During 2005–2016, the certification system, as well as policy support, contributed to the development of organic farms in Poland in terms of the growth in the share of this type of holdings in total (from 0.5% to 4.6%) and in the overall utilised agricultural area (UAA) (from 0.3% to 3.7%). Moreover, during 2014–2015, as a result of the greening in agricultural holdings, the area sown with pulses and papilionaceous, i.e., crops improving soil structure and protecting soils, rose by 174% and 161%, respectively. On the other hand, the case studies conducted showed that the food producers’ knowledge and skills combined with a favourable local economic and social situation, as well as institutional support, played a key role in the process of the emergence of eco-innovations. Among those factors, the respondents’ individual characteristics associated with attitudes towards farming and the social, human and physical capital passed on by family members should be highlighted. This paper contributes to existing literature in two ways. First, this study combines both quantitative and qualitative (including in-depth interviews) approaches to eco-innovations at the micro and macro level of analysis. Second, by differentiating two approaches to ecological innovations, namely the conventional and the sustainable, the article indicates and considers the key factors favourable to the latter.


2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (9) ◽  
pp. 1455-1492 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rory Truex

Legislative gridlock is often viewed as a uniquely democratic phenomenon. The institutional checks and balances that produce gridlock are absent from authoritarian systems, leading many observers to romanticize “authoritarian efficiency” and policy dynamism. A unique data set from the Chinese case demonstrates that authoritarian regimes can have trouble passing laws and changing policies—48% of laws are not passed within the period specified in legislative plans, and about 12% of laws take more than 10 years to pass. This article develops a theory that relates variation in legislative outcomes to the absence of division within the ruling coalition and citizen attention shocks. Qualitative analysis of China’s Food Safety Law, coupled with shadow case studies of two other laws, illustrates the plausibility of the theoretical mechanisms. Division and public opinion play decisive roles in authoritarian legislative processes.


2013 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamara Shepherd

This article introduces a political-economic framework for analyzing young people’s production of user-generated content (UGC) as a kind of apprenticeship labour. Based on case studies of four young Montréalers engaged in creating user-generated content, the author developed the apprenticeship-type model of UGC labour to denote a process by which online immaterial labour or “free labour” coincides with self-directed and informal job training, channelled specifically toward a career in the creative industries. The 20- to 24-year-old participants’ online activity is seen as a non-remunerated training ground, driven by the promise of notoriety that begets autonomous future employment in areas such as fashion, music, and journalism. Throughout this process, young people must constantly negotiate their autonomy; negotiated autonomy is precisely what they are apprenticing into through UGC production, where uncertainty and flexibility serve as the hallmarks of new media working conditions.Cet article propose une approche politico-économique afin d’analyser les contenus web générés par les utilisateurs (mieux connus sous l’acronyme anglais UGC : usergenerated content) en tant que travail d’apprentissage. Suivant une étude menée auprès de jeunes montréalais actifs dans la création d’UGC, l’auteure a développé l’idée de « travail d’apprentissage » en tant que procédé au sein duquel le travail immatériel (ou « travail non rémunéré ») sert la formation informelle et autonome d’une main d’oeuvre vouée plus spécifiquement aux carrières afférentes aux industries culturelles. Ainsi, les activités web des jeunes dans la vingtaine ayant participé à l’étude sont conçues en tant que travail bénévole motivé par la promesse de notoriété qui conduirait, de manière autonome, à leur futur employabilité dans les domaines de la mode, de la musique ou du journalisme. Tout au long de ce processus d’apprentissage, ces jeunes deviennent les agents de négociations constantes à propos de leur autonomie ; pour ces jeunes, l’autonomie négociée constitue précisément ce vers quoi culmine leur apprentissage, alors que l’incertitude et la flexibilité deviennent les marques distinctives des conditions de travail dans le domaine des nouveaux médias.


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