Shifting the Gaze on the Representation of Women in Parliament in the Pacific

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane Zetlin ◽  
Sonia Palmieri
2019 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 247-258
Author(s):  
Máximo Aláez Corral

In this article I intend to analyse Nuala Ní Chonchúir’s short story “As I Look,” from her 2009 collection Nude, in relation to the concept of dysfunction, the representation of the nude female body, and the deconstruction of the conventional male gaze. My analysis will be backed up by a theoretical framework on objectification and will focus on dysfunction in the gaze and representation, and also in narration. I aim at highlighting dysfunction as an instrument to convey a new meaning around the visual/literary representation of women, a more positive and desirable connotation than the “functional” order of the visual norm.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
pp. 91-112
Author(s):  
Claudio A. Véliz Rojas

El texto de Daniel Riquelme Bajo la Tienda (edición de 1958) escribe la identidad chilena sobre la representación subalterna de mujeres y ‘chinos’. Utilizando el contexto de la guerra del Pacífico (1879-1884), la narrativa de Riquelme justifica la superioridad del roto chileno soportada por las representaciones subalternas de estos grupos. Al interior de sus relatos, loschinos y las mujeres operan como referentes de contraste para la reafirmación de los valores nacionales. En este sentido y con el objetivo de sustentar teóricamente mi análisis, me serviré del concepto “subalternidad” explicado por el Grupo Latinoamericano de Estudios Subalternos así como por la investigadora india Gayatri Chakravarty Spivak. Asimismo, aplicaré las categorías desarrolladas por el teórico francés Pierre Bourdieu respecto a la existencia de un habitus, una hexis corporal y un uso constante de violencia simbólica, para la develación de los modos de dominación que ejercen los rotos chilenos sobre dichos grupos subalternos. The text of Daniel Riquelme Bajo la Tienda (1958 edition) writes the chilean identity about the subaltern representation of women and ‘Chinese’. Using the context of the Pacific War (1879-1884), Riquelme’s narrative justifies the superiority of the chilean rupture supported by the subaltern representations of these groups. Within their narratives, the Chinese and the women operate as contrasting references for the reaffirmation of national values. In this sense and in order to theoretically support my analysis, I will use the concept “subalternity” explained by the Grupo Latinoamericano de Estudios Subalternos as well as by the Indian researcher Gayatri Chakravarty Spivak. I will also apply the categories developed by the french theorist Pierre Bourdieu regarding the existence of a habitus, a corporal hexis and a constant use of symbolic violence, for the unveiling of the modes of domination exercised by the Chilean ruptures on these subalterngroups.


2018 ◽  
pp. 950-970 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Makoza

This article analyses how the representation of women legislators may affect the oversight of national ICT policy. The article uses Critical Mass Theory (CMT) to explain the composition of the Media and Communications Committee (MCC) of parliament. The case of Malawi is analysed, which represented a low-income economy in Africa. The article uses electoral reports and legislative documents. The results show that women legislators in the MCC achieved a critical mass despite the decrease in the representation of women in parliament. The women legislators have the opportunity to support gender issues related to ICT legislations and national ICT policy oversight. However, the functions of MCC related to national ICT policy oversight were not aligned with the gender equity strategies. This may affect the priority of gender issues in the policy oversight. The article contributes towards literature on national ICT policy oversight in the context of developing countries.


1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Kulis ◽  
Karen A. Miller ◽  
Morris Axelrod ◽  
Leonard Gordon

Based on a five-year follow-up survey of sociology departments in the Pacific Sociological Association region, we report trends in the representation of women and minorities among faculty members and graduate students. Although men continue to predominate at all but the lecturer/instructor level, women are increasingly represented on faculties overall, in tenured positions, and among the higher academic ranks. Proportionally fewer men and women are now in entry level positions than in 1979. Except for Asians, minority faculty continue to be poorly represented. Women now make up the majority of graduate students at both the masters and doctoral levels, but both the proportion and number of minority students have declined in five years. Still, despite sharply contracting enrollment, both women and minority graduate students receive a larger share of financial assistance awards than they did five years ago.


Author(s):  
Ardhana Ulfa Azis ◽  
Mia Siscawati

The implementation of affirmative quota policies by political structures, especially political parties as one of the elements of the political infrastructure, has provided the widest possible opportunity for women to be directly involved in the political process, such as becoming members of parliament to carry out over sight, budgeting, and legislative functions: the making and policymaking and political decisions. This research examines how women in the family path of the 2019’s election results, on the one hand, their faces are seen as political representatives of women in parliament, but on the other hand, they are also seen as representatives of the interests of party oligarchy in parliament. We explored the filling of affirmative quotas for female parliamentary candidates from the family line by political parties which allowed us to identify women parliamentarians from the family line as having two faces, namely as women's political representatives as well as party political representatives. In a stronger party oligarchy, we argue that filling the affirmative quota of female parliamentary candidates from the family line apart from being urged by the affirmative quota policy for 30%women's political representation, is also motivated by the interests of party oligarchy. We adopt the thoughts of Anne Phillips (1991) about the politics of presence which sees that women's representation in parliament starts from the number, not from the policies they produce.


Author(s):  
Shirin M. Rai ◽  
Carole Spary

In the Introduction we outline the major themes and arguments of the book and cover some theoretical debates on gender and representation. Evaluating how gender inequality runs through Parliament, its practices and norms, and its institutional frameworks and the forms that representation takes as a result are the areas on which we focus in our book. We note that the consistent under-representation of women in Parliament affects our reception of the performance of representation and the claims that the Indian Parliament makes to being the premier democratic institution of the country. The Introduction outlines the politics and performance framework that allow us to make an innovative and informed empirical analysis of continuities and changes in women’s participation in parliamentary politics. The framework focuses as much on rules and norms of the Parliament as on the corporeality and speech, stage and script of politics and political life that are witnessed in its practices. The Introduction then elucidates the main arguments and empirical focus of each chapter of the book.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 957-975 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Homola

This article explores (1) whether policy makers are equally responsive to the preferences of women and men and (2) whether the increased presence of women in parliament improves responsiveness to women’s preferences. Using a time-series cross-sectional analysis of 351 party shifts by sixty-eight different parties across twelve Western European countries, the study finds that parties respond to the preference shifts of women and men. However, parties are more responsive to the preference shifts among men than among women – a finding that is not affected by the share of female politicians in parliament. The findings question the implicit assumption that substantive political representation of women necessarily follows from their descriptive representation in legislatures.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 49-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Makoza

This article analyses how the representation of women legislators may affect the oversight of national ICT policy. The article uses Critical Mass Theory (CMT) to explain the composition of the Media and Communications Committee (MCC) of parliament. The case of Malawi is analysed, which represented a low-income economy in Africa. The article uses electoral reports and legislative documents. The results show that women legislators in the MCC achieved a critical mass despite the decrease in the representation of women in parliament. The women legislators have the opportunity to support gender issues related to ICT legislations and national ICT policy oversight. However, the functions of MCC related to national ICT policy oversight were not aligned with the gender equity strategies. This may affect the priority of gender issues in the policy oversight. The article contributes towards literature on national ICT policy oversight in the context of developing countries.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 352-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devin K. Joshi ◽  
Kara Kingma

AbstractAlthough home to the majority of the world’s women, Asia is the continent with the smallest proportion of women in Parliament. Rarely studied from a comparative perspective, this article examines the uneven representation of women in the lower houses of contemporary Asian parliaments. While socio-economic modernization and industrialization are generally expected to increase the proportion of women in positions of political influence, we find that differences in electoral and party systems across Asia play a greater role than levels of female literacy, urbanization, or per capita income. In particular, Asian parliaments with strict quotas and a higher number of (three of more) major political parties had significantly more female MPs. We also found cultural attitudes supportive of women in the public sphere to make a difference along with multi-member districts and parties on the political left.


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