scholarly journals Jak zmierzyć demokrację? Skale pomiaru demokracji politycznej stosowane w politologii porównawczej

2018 ◽  
pp. 121-138
Author(s):  
Wiktor SZEWCZAK

The author reviews and characterizes the most important scales for measuring the democracy of political systems, applied in Western, mainly Anglo-Saxon, comparative political science. He refers to his article published in a back issue of Przegl¹d Polityczny, where the fundamental theoretical and methodological issues of democracy measuring were presented, and tries to indicate how these issues are dealt with by various researchers whose scales and data bases are most common and most frequently referred to in research into political comparative studies. The paper describes S. Huntington’s analyses, the Freedom House scale, the IDEA assessment of the quality of democracy, the EIU democracy index, Bollen’s scale, the Political Regimes Project, the Polity Project, T. Vanhanen’s democracy index and the scale of polyarchy by Coppedge and Reinicke. As the author analyzes one scale and database after another, he tries to identify their strengths and weaknesses, determine the most characteristic properties of each proposal, and assess their applicability in comparative analyses, pointing to their potential benefits and the threats of using them. In conclusion, he recommends caution in the selection of a scale to become a foundation for potential analyses, while he acknowledges that this theoretical and methodological tool is highly useful.

Politik ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sune Welling Hansen

The article reviews studies that have examined the local democratic consequences of the Danish Structural Reform, with focus on studies that have used the municipal amalgamations (which were part of the aforementioned reform) to study the relationship between the size of political systems and the quality of democracy in those systems. The reviewed studies tend to find negative effects of municipal size on the quality of local democracy, although the effects are weak to moderate in size. These results are consistent with the existing local government literature on the relationship between size and democracy, which also has shown that size does not matter much for the quality of democracy. If there indeed are differences between local democracies of different sizes then this has more to do with the characteristics of those who choose to live in these communities, than it has to do with size.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-16
Author(s):  
Nataliia Khoma ◽  
Ihor Vdovychyn

The article’s purpose is to assess the effectiveness of EU policies concerning strengthen the quality of democracy in the member states. The research methods are aimed at proving the hypothesis about a decrease in impact (initiatives, control, etc.) of EU institutions on deepening democratic modernization, as a result of a discrepancy on debatable issues between the “young” democracies of the EU (like the Baltic States) and the liberal democratic course of the EU. The research is based on the methodology of neo-institutionalism, value approach and political comparative studies. The results of the study have led to the conclusion that the current goals of the EU are not sufficiently focused on the issue of the quality of democracy in the member states. The need to revitalize the EU in the direction of monitoring the observance of democratic standards is explained by the stagnation/regression of the quality of democracy in these states of the latest EU expansion. The actions of EU institutions in relation to member states, where stagnation/regression of democracy has been manifested, were assessed as inappropriate regarding the possible consequences of this destructive process. Insufficient attention by the EU to strengthening its values on which the EU is based was noted, that is seen as the main reason for the current deterioration in the quality of democracy. The urgency of this new format for European democracy, of really effective mechanisms for ensuring its quality was stated. The authors mentioned a number of open questions that require further study, in particular: 1) are EU initiatives able to reduce the democratic deficit in its member states?; 2) how strong should the EU's control be over the observance of these standards and values of democracy so that it does not contradict the principles of democracy? Attention is drawn to the need of further clarifying these mechanisms which the EU should implement in relation to its member states in order to strengthen the quality of national democratic political systems.


Author(s):  
Joseph Lacey

The goal of this chapter is to understand how Switzerland has managed to turn a linguistic make-up that is centrifugally explosive in theory into one that is relatively benign in practice. On the one hand, it is argued that numerous historical particularities and political decisions have served to curtail the centrifugal forces that are presumed to be typical of political systems constituted by linguistically demarcated public spheres. On the other hand, Switzerland serves to corroborate a core hypothesis of this project, namely that the institutionalization of democratic legitimacy will produce powerful centripetal effects on the political community. In sum, a host of factors help to explain why Switzerland does not fall apart, but it is its quality of democracy that is largely responsible for keeping it together.


Author(s):  
David F. J. Campbell ◽  
Elias G. Carayannis ◽  
Thorsten D. Barth ◽  
George S. Campbell

The central research question for this article is: How can democracy and the quality of democracy be measured globally and empirically? Certainly, democracy measurement represents a wider research field; however, this article wants to contribute to it by offering to the reader an introduction and by giving first views about the ideas of democracy measurement in a global comparison and world-wide approach. The article contrasts different approaches to the measurement of democracy, with a focus on three macro-models of democracy measurement as well as the democratic indices (indicators) that they apply specifically: Freedom House, Democracy Index and Democracy Ranking. All three initiatives want to measure a large number of democracies over a longer period of time. In conclusion, it could, at least implicitly, be argued for Freedom House: the higher the freedom evaluation of a country, the greater the chances are or the more there is an expectation of a tendency for an advanced quality of democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
R A Cocchiara ◽  
L Lia ◽  
B Dorelli ◽  
A Mannocci ◽  
M Follmann ◽  
...  

Abstract Background The Comprehensive Cancer Care Networks (CCCNs) represent innovative approaches for the management of cancer patients consisting of multiple cooperating health units with specific expertise in the different steps of care. Quality Indicators (QIs) constitute valid and reliable tools that allow to measure the quality of care among similar structures belonging to different health systems. Objective of this project was to develop a standardized tool in order to define a multi-step process for the selection of QIs for the evaluation of CCCNs. Methods Under the coordination of the Innovative Partnership for Action Against Cancer (IPAAC) joint action, our research team performed a systematic review of the scientific literature to identify the reported methodology for the selection of QIs applicable for the CCCNs' setting. An additional search of national and international Quality Assurance organizations was performed to detect any missing information. Results The IET (Ipaac Evaluation Tool) for QIs was developed: a methodological tool describing an 8-step process that leads to the selection of QIs feasible for the CCCN setting. The tool was implemented accordingly with the reporting standards for guideline-based performance measures of the Guideline International Network (GIN). A pilot testing of the tool was performed in order to identify its strengths and weaknesses. Conclusions The IET for QIs represents an innovative methodological instrument to select valid and reliable indicators for the assessment of the quality of care within the CCCN settings. Key messages The Quality Indicators represent valid and reliable tools to measure and compare the quality of care delivered to cancer patients in Comprehensive Cancer Care Networks. The development of the Ipaac Evaluation Tool leads to a standardized assessment of the quality of care provided for cancer patients within the CCCN setting.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 163-171
Author(s):  
M. G. Shcherbakovskiy

The article discusses the reasonsfor an expert to participate in legal proceedings. The gnoseological reason for that consists of the bad quality of materials subject to examination that renders the examination either completely impossible or compromises objective, reasoned and reliable assessment of the findings. The procedural reason consists ofa proscription for an expert to collect evidence himself or herself. The author investigates into the ways of how an expert can participate in legal proceedings. If the defense invites an expert to participate in the proceedings, then it is recommended that his or her involvement should be in the presence of attesting witnesses and recorded in the protocol. In the course of the legal proceedings an expert has the following tasks: adding initial data, acquiring new initial data, understanding the situation of the incident, acquiring new objects to be studied, including samples for examination. An expert’s participation in legal proceedings differs from the participation of a specialist or an examination on the scene of the incident. The author describes the tasks that an expert solves in the course of legal proceedings, the peculiarities ofan investigation experiment practices, the selection of samples for an examination, inspection, interrogation.


Liquidity ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-152
Author(s):  
Mukhaer Pakkanna

Political democracy should be equivalent to the economic development of the quality of democracy, economic democracy if not upright, even the owner of the ruling power and money, which is parallel to force global corporatocracy. Consequently, the economic oligarchy preservation reinforces control of production and distribution from upstream to downstream and power monopoly of the market. The implication, increasingly sharp economic disparities, exclusive owner of the money and power become fertile, and the end could jeopardize the harmony of the national economy. The loss of national economic identity that makes people feel lost the “pilot of the state”. What happens then is the autopilot state. Viewing unclear direction of the economy, the national economy should clarify the true figure.


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