scholarly journals AGAMA DAN POLITIK: Studi Pemikiran Soekarno tentang Relasi Agama dan Negara

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Muhammad Soleh Aminullah
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
Different Response ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Rule Out

This paper examines the basic state relating to religion and the state. Which of these reforms emerged as a different response between Islamic nationalist groups and secular nationalist groups. Islamic nationalist groups ask for a state based on religion. While secular functionalist groups believe that in the basic formulation of the state, religion must be separated from the state. The first opinion (Islamic nationalists) is based that the majority of Indonesia’s population is Muslim, and conversely the second group holds that Indonesia is a plural state consisting of various groups by wanting Pancasila as the basis of the state. This paper uses descriptive literature study method, meaning that materials are collected from various literatures in order to collect data relating to religious and state relations according to Sukarno. So that it can be understood that the separation of religion and state in Sukarno’s view there are at least three main points. Besides that, Sukarno’s thoughts were also inspired by Kemal Attatur from Turkey and Ali Abdurraziq and other reformers. The separation of religion and state is done for the sake of national unity, bearing in mind that the Indonesian nation is a plural nation. The separation of religion and state in question will not rule out the teachings of Islam, and the building of nationalism in question is not chauvinism, but nationalism which makes Indonesian people become servants of God who live in the spirit and soul of religion. 

scholarly journals The Role of Religion in Turkish-Uzbek Relations

2020 ◽  
Vol 03 (12) ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Sh. Sharipov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Religious Education ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic Finance ◽  
Religious Activity ◽  
Religious Control ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Role Of Religion ◽  
Ruling Party

This article analyzes the role and place of religion in Uzbek-Turkish relations. In both countries, the Sunni sect of Islam is predominant. In Uzbekistan, religion is separated from the state, and religious activity is fully controlled by the state. The ruling party in Turkey makes extensive use of Islamic elements in governing. Mirziyoyev's rise to power in Uzbekistan marked the beginning of religious cooperation. In Uzbekistan, where religious control has been strong for many years, various forms of religious education, such as Islamic finance and foundation work, have been inactive. Today, after Saudi Arabia and Iran, Turkey claims to be a leader in the Islamic world. The extent to which Turkey's experience in religion and state relations is relevant to Uzbekistan is important.

scholarly journals RELASI AGAMA DAN NEGARA

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Edi Gunawan
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Islamic Thought ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
The Right ◽  
State Relations ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Descriptive Method

This paper examines religious and state relations of Islamic thought perspective. This study aims to describe how the relationship between religion and state in the view of Islam. The method used in obtaining data is descriptive method through literature study. The results of the study show that among Muslim figures or thinkers such as Nurcholish Madjid and Abdur Rahman Wahid agree that there is a constructive relationship between state and religion which by revivalists separates it. Some of the indicators are: (1) Islam gives the principles of the formation of a state with the concept of khalīfah ,dawlah, or hukūmah, (2) Islam emphasizes the democratic values of truth and justice, and (3) Islam upholds Human Rights by stating that the basic rights that human beings bring ever since they are born are the right of religious freedom. Therefore, Islam essentially emphasizes the importance of human rights to be upheld in a state, because human rights are rights that should not be disturbed and deprived from the person who has the right.

Religion and the Regime

2017 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 676-712
Author(s):  
Karrie J. Koesel
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
The State ◽  
Access To Resources ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
Religious Actors ◽  
Gain Access

What is the nature of religion and state relations in authoritarian regimes? How do religious and regime actors negotiate the terms of their relationship;what do the two sides want from one another; and how cooperative or conflictual are their interactions? To address these questions, the author compares religion-regime relations in contemporary Russia and China—two autocracies with long histories of religious repression, diverse religious profiles, and distinct relations between religion and the state. The article introduces a new theoretical framework anchored in interests and subnational authoritarian politics to explain how religious and political authorities negotiate their relationship and the constraints and opportunities that shape their interaction. Although there are many reasons to expect different types of religion-regime relations across Russia and China, the data demonstrate that subnational governments and diverse religious actors often forge innovative partnerships to govern more efficiently, gain access to resources, and safeguard their survival.

Religion, Society, and Politics in Israel

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asher Cohen
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Space ◽  
The State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Jewish Society ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Public Nature ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Western Democracies

This chapter focuses on four main aspects of relations among religion, society, and the state. The first section describes religion–state relations in Israel in comparison to the models prevalent in Western democracies. The second section categorizes the components of Jewish society in Israel by attitude toward tradition and religion. The third section focuses on the political system, with a look at the distribution of political parties based on religion and state and on models of accommodational and crisis politics. The fourth section examines two key disputes involving relations among religion, society, and the state: the public nature of the Jewish Sabbath as an expression of the struggle over the public space and the question of the boundaries of the Jewish collective, known in Israel as “who is a Jew.” After seventy years of existence, Israel still wrestles with a wide range of unresolved issues pertaining to religion, society, and state, reflecting an inability to reach stable and consensual solutions.

Features of Relations between the State and Religion: Principles and Development Trends

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (118) ◽  
pp. 31-41
Author(s):  
G. Majıev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cultural History ◽  
Geographical Location ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
The World ◽  
Religious Parties ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Religious Elements

In this article analyzes aspects of religion and state relations in Iran and Turkey. In order to open relations between the state and religion, analyzed the features of the manifestation of religious elements in the power system of these countries, including the country's Constitution and legislation regulating the sphere of religion, the activities of religious parties and religious communities. In addition, special attention was paid to the geographical location of the two countries, ethnic and religious composition, and cultural history. Among Islamic countries, Iran and Turkey have a number of differences in religious and state relations compared to other Muslim countries. Therefore, it is important to focus on the models of these two countries when studying the world experience of relations between religion and the state in a comprehensive way. This is especially important for Kazakhstan, which is moving in a secular direction. In the structure of the state administration of Iran, the influence of the religious corps «Valiyat Faqih» is predominant. In Turkey, on the other hand, the religious administration of Dianet is subordinate to the presidential administration. In Iran, religious parties are politically active, while in Turkey, political parties are not allowed to use any religious elements. However, despite these features, both countries are recognized in the world as States that give priority to the Muslim religion. Since the article is aimed at uncovering the specifics of state-confessional relations in Iran and Turkey, structural and functional and comparative analysis methods have been used in the study.

The Development of Slovenia in the European Union: Social Aspects

2017 ◽  
pp. 102-108
Author(s):  
Iryna Butyrska
Keyword(s):  
Negative Impact ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Social Sphere ◽  
Regime Stability ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Eu

The author proves that the successful stability of independent Slovenia contributed to a number of factors, existing since its being incorporated in the SFRY. The factor, uniting the state has become the common goal – the aspiration to join the EU. The process of the European integration contributed to the modernization of a number of spheres, in particular social, cultural and economic ones. The global financial and economic crisis has revealed the turmoil in the economy of the state and its leadership was forced to gradually reduce a significant part of social privileges for the population. This caused the tension in the society and reduced the level of the national unity, having a negative impact on people’s wellbeing. However, since 2014, the Prime Minister M. Cherar has been trying to restore people’s trust in the state. The situation is getting better; indicators of trust in government are increasing, which also points to state capacity and political regime stability in Slovenia. Keywords: Slovenia, state stability, social sphere, government

Speaking for Islam

2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Institutional Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Authority ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Common ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
Islamic Values ◽  
French Model

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.

Khomeini’s Concept of Wilâyat Al-Faqîh and Its Influence on the Contemporary Indonesian Islamic Thought

TAJDID ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Hasan Bisri
Keyword(s):  
Academic Discourse ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
Islamic Studies ◽  
Islamic Thought ◽  
The Status ◽  
Scholarly Discussion ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
State Relations

The concept of wilâyat al-faqîh from Imam Khomeini was one of the products of Islamic thought. It has revive discourse on Islamic studies in various parts of the Islamic world. It is not only become a threat to the status quo of the Muslim rulers, in fact it has been raising the academic and scholarly discussion in the forums of national, regional, and international levels. The influence of  the concept of wilâyat al-faqîh from Imam Khomeini to contemporary Islamic thought in Indonesia looked on discourse about the relation between religion and state. Indeed, the debate on religion-state relations have long occurred in Indonesia, but in academic discourse becomes increasingly crowded since the concept of wilâyat al-faqîh serve as the basis for the establishment of the Islamic State of Iran by Imam Khomeini. Effect the concept of wilâyat al-faqîh in contemporary Indonesian Islamic thought encouraged by the publication of books by/about Imam Khoemini and about Shia in general and the development of Shi'i institutions in Indonesia.

Counting the Seven Weeks War: Dyads, Disputes and Balances of Power

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Moul
Keyword(s):  
Quantitative Study ◽  
The State ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Inter State ◽  
The Way

Abstract. The usual quantitative study of inter-state war and peace tallies observations on hundreds, sometimes thousands, of dyads or pairs of states. These observations miss elementary features of inter-state relations that should be examined when testing Realist explanations of war and peace. The way in which three prominent studies (Bremer, 1992; Bueno de Mesquita, 1981; 1985) chose to count the Seven Weeks War dramatically reveals the theoretical difficulties when tallying dyads. Re-analyses of these studies demonstrate the sensitivity of the results to particulars of 1866 Germany and, more importantly, illustrate the merits of analyzing the dispute rather than the state dyad or the state-dyad year.Résumé. L'étude quantitative des périodes de guerre et de paix entre États comptabilise des observations relatives à des centaines, parfois des milliers de dyades ou paires d'États. Ces observations ne prennent pas en compte certaines caractéristiques élémentaires des relations entre États qui devraient pourtant être examinées lorsque l'on teste les théories réalistes expliquant guerre et paix. La manière dont trois études reconnues (Bremer, 1992; Bueno de Mesquita, 1981; 1985) ont choisi de comptabiliser la guerre des Sept Semaines révèle de manière éclatante les difficultés théoriques dans la comptabilisation des dyades d'états. De nouvelles analyses de ces études ont démontré la sensibilité des résultats aux caractéristiques de l'Allemagne de 1866, mais soulignent surtout les mérites de l'analyse des disputes par rapport à l'analyse des dyades d'États ou des dyades d'États annuelles.

Joseph II and the Jews: the Origins of the Toleration Patent of 1782

1968 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 101-119
Author(s):  
Paul P. Bernard
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Religious Minorities ◽  
Church State Relations ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Joseph Ii ◽  
Radical Ideas

That Austria's monolithic refusal to tolerate religious minorities within its borders in an age of increasingly general religious permissiveness would not for long outlive Empress Maria Theresa must have been apparent to all but the most obtuse contemporary observers. Throughout the period of his coregency (1765–1780), Joseph II had made it plain on more than one occasion that while, unlike Frederick the Great, he did not believe that all his subjects might attain their salvation in whatever way seemed best to them, he was, nevertheless, aware that many of them would persist in assuring their damnation in spite of the best efforts of Church and crown to save them. And he was unwilling to let the obduracy of a minority of his subjects cause the state to lose their wealth, their services, and their loyalty. Dominated by such radical ideas on the place of religious minorities in a state, Joseph, State Chancellor Prince Wenzel Kaunitz, and Franz Joseph Heinke, once Kaunitz's man but now independently charged with drawing up policy guidelines for a subsequent reorganization of Church-state relations, were as early as 1769 discussing not the advisability of tolerating non-Catholic religions but ways and means of implementing such toleration.

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