scholarly journals PERBANDINGAN LOYALITAS PEMILIH ABANGAN DAN SANTRI TERHADAP KHOFIFAH DAN SAIFULLAH YUSUF PADA PEMILIHAN GUBERNUR JAWA TIMUR TAHUN 2018

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Novy Setia Yunas ◽  
Baiqun Isbahi

This paper will review the comparison of loyalty of Abangan and Santri voters to two contestants in East Java Pilgub 2018. The reason, East Java Pilgub 2018 was followed by two contestants who both came from Nahdlatul Ulama. But on the other hand, political contestation in East Java cannot be separated from the cultural political dynamics scattered in the four corners of Mataraman, Tapal Kuda, Arek and Madura. These four regions certainly have the characteristics and loyalty of different voters both politically and sociologically. The political map certainly cannot be separated from Clifford Geertz classical study of the typology of the “aliran” politics (politik aliran) in Java. The method used in this paper is Library Research. The main information in this study was obtained through the analysis of the publication of the results of Kompas R&D survey in February and May 2018. The result of comparison analysis of loyalty of voters will not only know the extent of loyalty support of cultural groups on both candidates but see the tendency of reorientation of voting behavior in each cultural group from the influence of cadence and culture shifted to the orientation of the issues brought by the candidate.

Dialog ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-64
Author(s):  
Suryani Suryani

This paper illustrates how the political dynamics of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) as a part of civil society in Indonesia in the national political constellation. NU is a concrete example of the people power in the form of civil society whose existence should be noted. As the largest Muslim community in Indonesia, NU was recorded as the entity who contacted and reinforced the concept of civil society in Indonesia earlier than other Muslim modernist communities. NU activists and intellectuals play an earlier role in developing the discourse of civil society since the independence to now compared to Muhammadiyah, HMI alumni, or other Muslim leaders alumni from Masyumi.


Author(s):  
Firdaus Wajdi

Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama are two biggest Muslim organizations in the most populous Muslim country, Indonesia. Many studies have conducted to identify both roles in the Indonesian Islam context. However, there is lack study which actually traces possible similarities between the two. This paper illustrates the distinct description of the two organizations from the perspective of Clifford Geertz in his prominent work, the Religion of Java, where it covered some characteristics of the followers of both Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama. This study then continues with possible similar identification of Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama. This is qualitative study conducted through library research. This study concludes that despite the fact the differences, there are some similarities, which put the two organization together to contribute even more to the development of Islam in Indonesia. It then expects that the followers of both could work together to build peaceful Indonesian through better understanding of religious institutions such as the Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama.


Author(s):  
Wasisto Raharjo Jati

<p><em>The article endeavors to trace</em><em> power relationship between </em><em>muslim religious leaders</em><em> (ulama) and islamic </em><em>boarding school (pesantren)</em><em> in the political dynamics of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Both entity are not only an essential element needed to pressure political and cultural for NU, but also the National Awakening Party (PKB) as a political party for nahdliyyin. The existence of organizational conflicts that occurred in the PKB also influence the dynamics of the NU that resulted fragmentation among ulama and pesantren. The implication is there a divergence of politics and culture among ulama and pesantren in the base region of Central Java and East Java. </em></p> <p><em> </em></p> <p><em></em></p> <p> </p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Nur Faizin

Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) plays an important role in various aspects of Indonesians’ life. In a political sphere, NU had became a respected political party. Eventually, NU decided to withdraw from politics through the declaration of khittah, which was mandated by the National Alim Ulama NU meeting at Pondok Pesantren Salafiah Syafi’iyah Sukorejo, Situbondo, East Java on 13-16 Rabi’ul Awwal 1404 H / 18-21 December 1983 M. However, this declaration is not immediately release its’ cadres not to plunge in the political stage. Nowadays, many NU cadres occupying important positions both in local and the central government. Therefore, it is interesting to observe how local elite of NU in Sumenep during the local election contribute to shape political dynamics in the region. This research using qualitative research method by employing interpretive and naturalistic approaches to the subject of study. The key informants for this research are those who actively engage in politics, especially the elites of the NU and their followers. This study found that there are continuity relations between the NU elites who take part in practical political stage and those who are behind the political stage. In addition, the battle of several candidates for government position among the local elites of NU pushed the blessing of kyai away from the significant factor of voters to decide whom they had chosen in the last election.NU (Nadlatul Ulama) berperan penting dalam berbagai kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Dalam ranah politik, NU pernah menjadi sebuah partai besar yang disegani. Akhirnya ia memilih keluar dari lingkaran percaturan pilitik praktis melalui khittah NU 1926 yang dipuruskan melalui musyawarah Nasional Alim Ulama NU di Pondok Pesantren Salafiah Syafi’iyah Sukorejo, Situbondo, Jawa Timur pada tanggal 13-16 Robi’ul Awwal 1404 H/18-21 Desember 1983 M. Sejak saat itu NU dan politik terpisah secara praktis. Namun demikian tidak dengan serta merta melepas para kader-kadernya untuk tidak terjun di panggung politik. Saat ini telah banyak kader NU menduduki posisi penting baik di pemerintahan daerah hingga pemerintahan pusat. Hal tersebut tentunya tidak terlepas dari background rumah asal mereka sebagai golongan nahdliyin. Begitu pula yang terjadi di daerah Kabupaten Sumenep. Sejak pemilihan umum secara langsung tidak sedikit kader NU duduk di pemerintahan lokal sebgai DPRD ataupun kepala pemerintah daerah (bupati). Yang menjadi persoalan utama di sini ialah tidak hanya mereka yang menang merebut kuasa, namun lebih pada bagaimana pengaruh elite lokal NU dalam dinamika Pemilukada di Kabupaten Sumenep terutama pada tahun 2010. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif, yang memfokuskan diri pada perhatian dengan berbagai metode mencakup pendekatan interpretatif dan naturalistik terhadap subjek kajiannya. Sedangkan lokasi penelitian ialah di Kabupaten Sumenep, Jawa Timur. Sasaran penelitian masyarakat Sumenep dan elite NU Kabupaten Sumenep. Walau penelitian berlangsung selama satu bulan penelitian termasuk prelimenary research. Dalam penelitian ini ditemukan beberapa rangkaian kesinambungan antara elite NU yang berkiprah di panggung politik praktis dan mereka yang berada di belakang panggung. Selain itu pertarungan beberapa calon kepala pemerintahan yang nota bane adalah rata-rata sebagai warga nahdliyin tidak menjadikan pengaruh atau restu kiai sebagai alasan utama pemilih pada Pemilukada tahun 2010 memilih calon yang dikehendaki.Key words: NU, Local Election, Kyai, and Politics.


1968 ◽  
Vol 22 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1197-1202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon J. Di Renzo

A quota sample of voting-age male undergraduates was administered Form E of the Rokeach Dogmatism Scale as part of an interview schedule concerned with interest and activity in the 1964 presidential campaign and election. Results support previous evidence that dogmatism interacts significantly with political party preference but that the interaction of dogmatism and presidential preferences, despite the correlation with party preferences, is of much greater magnitude. Non-dogmatic scorers overwhelmingly selected Johnson; while dogmatic scorers, despite a slight preference for Goldwater, were more evenly divided in their preferences for presidential candidates. Personality provides a partial explanation for the political dynamics of “frontlash” and “backlash” alleged to have taken place in the 1964 elections. Voting behavior as a function of some measure of identification between the political elector and the political candidate is supported and the structure and the function of the polity seem in part dependent upon the personality structures of the political functionaries recruited into it and the congruent interaction of both the psychological and the sociological structures.


2005 ◽  
Vol 84 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Halloran

Modern accounts of the battle of Brunanburh have generally suggested a location in the Northumbrian-Mercian borderlands east or west of the Pennines, a conclusion based in part on analysis of the aims and strategy of Anlaf Guthfrithson, Viking king of Dublin. This article re-examines the political dynamics of the coalition against Athelstan, taking account of the territorial and political ambitions of the kings of Alba and Strathclyde, and proposes a radically different interpretation of the campaign of 937. It also questions the reliability of the variant form Brunanburh as a guide to the battle's location and concludes that the most likely site was Burnswark in Annandale.


Author(s):  
Paul Kingston

The chapter outlines how researchers take on different roles and positionalities as they adapt to the field, moving, for instance, from that of an “outsider” laden with externalized theoretical assumptions and having few contacts with and knowledge of the research site to one approaching, to varying degrees, that of a “pseudo-insider.” Indeed, the argument here is that researchers make choices when moving from outsider to insider roles (and between them), contingently adapting their positionality in the hope to better understand the political dynamics that underlie research projects. The setting is post-civil war Lebanon and the research project revolves around an examination of the micropolitics of civil society and associational life in this re-emerging but fragmented polity.


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